Timeline of Native Americans Along The Mississippi River Delta

1590 North American Atlantic Coast Natives by John White (c1540 – c1593). The village of Pomeiooc (Pomeiock) was a Native America settlement, designated on de Bry’s map of Virginia, Americae Pars Nunc Virginia Dicta, between today’s Wyesocking Bay & Lake Landing, North Carolina. John White designates the settlement as Pomeyoo.

European explorers 1st arrived in North America at the end of the 15C. Thinking they had reached the Indies in Asia, they labeled the native people “Indians.” While this was a “New World” to the Europeans, it was certainly not new to these original inhabitants who had lived on the continent for more than 10,000 years. Because the Native Americans did not use a formal system of writing, the vast majority of their history is a part of North America’s prehistory before the advent of written records.

The first mounds in the Southeast, used mainly to bury the dead, were probably constructed between 8000 & 1000 BC. The designs of these mounds were influenced by their function. Mounds in America can be broadly classified into:  Agricultural mounds were mostly landscape modifications that are believed to have improved production. These mounds often were raised in places which were more prone to flooding or to tackle extreme temperatures.  Burial mounds either contained one individual or many depending on the ritual or ones standing in the society. Sometimes these mounds had the cremated remains of the deceased. Mostly the dead were buried in the ground & mounds were built on top of the body. The body usually was accompanied by many personal items in preparation for the journey after life.  Ceremonial mounds were mostly religious in nature & included functions like sacrifices or religious activities. Often they were either altar for a particular god or temples. Effigy mounds could also be classified under this type.

By around 800 AD, a distinct way of life was developing in the lower Delta.  The mound sites slowly expanded into hubs of commerce & politics. The earlier era's rounded burial mounds, mostly cone-shaped, were supplanted by massive platforms where the elite built their homes, staged events, & laid ancestors to rest. Most residents, however, lived in settlements huddled around the periphery of the platforms.

During the prehistoric period that began some 12,000 years ago in present-day Mississippi, Native Americans were the only inhabitants in the area. There are over 19,000 prehistoric archaeological sites recorded in Mississippi, & one section of the state, the Yazoo Basin (Mississippi Delta), boasts one of the highest concentrations of prehistoric archaeological sites in the world.

The earliest period is named the Paleo-Indian period, which dates from approximately 10,000 B.C. to 8,000 B.C. During this period, the landscape & accompanying pattern of human occupation were considerably different from that of recent times. The colder & wetter climate supported vegetation & wildlife unlike that of today. Evergreen forests of spruce & fir were common. Mastodon & bison roamed open grasslands. People of this period organized in small bands & were nomadic, following the movements of the large animals that they hunted for food & shelter. Their major hunting weapon was a wooden spear shaft tipped with a medium- to fine-chipped stone point.

Paleo-Indian (circa 10,000 B.C. to 8,000 B.C.)
-Colder climate with associated vegetation, including spruce & fir trees.
-People organize in small, nomadic bands
-Lifestyle focuses on hunting of large mammals, many of which are now
 extinct, including the mastodon, saber-toothed tiger, giant beaver, and
 giant short-faced bear.
-Major hunting weapon is a wooden spear shaft tipped with a medium- to
 fine-chipped stone point.

As the climate warmed to one more characteristic of today’s climate, archaeological remains indicate a lifestyle among the Native Americans that became increasingly more sedentary & socially & culturally complex. This pattern began in what is named the Archaic period (circa 8,000 B.C. to 500 B.C.) & continued into the Woodland (circa 500 B.C. to A.D. 1000) & Mississippian (circa A.D. 1000 to 1550) periods.

Archaic (circa 8,000 B.C. to 500 B.C.)
-Gradual warming of climate. Environment becomes more similar to present.
-People make transition from nomadic to semi-sedentary living as group
 size increases from family bands. Seasonal aggregations of multiple bands occur.
-Hunting of smaller species, including white-tail deer, using spear and
 atlatl or spear thrower. Spear points include side-notched, corner-notched, and
stemmed varieties of medium-to-large size.
-Gathering of wild foods, including nuts & berries, & fishing complement hunting.
-Regional trade & exchange networks appear. Toward the end of the period earthen mounds & ceramic pottery occur.

Woodland Period (circa 500 B.C. to A.D. 1000)
-Large permanent villages develop.
-Hunting continues, with corn agriculture becoming increasingly important.
-Tribal organization arises based on multiple families or clans.
-Burial mounds become common.
-Pottery appears in many forms, functions, & decorative treatments.
-Toward the latter end of this period, the bow & arrow appears as
 indicated by very small chipped stone projectile points.
-Fortified villages & arrow points embedded in human skeletons reveal a
 tendency to warfare among native groups.

Mississippian Period (circa A.D. 1000 to 1550)
-Large temple mounds denoting ceremonial sites appear along with
 extensive villages.
-Multi-level societies called chiefdoms replace tribal organizations in many areas.
-Warfare increases.
-A wide variety of pottery occurs, characteristically including crushed shell as a
tempering agent.
-Agriculture incorporating corn, beans, & squash become the dietary mainstay,
although hunting, gathering, & fishing continue.
-Intensive regional & interregional trade is ongoing in both raw materials & finished products.

1000-1200 AD Early Mississippian Period
Trade burgeoned; goods arrived over land & water from as far away as the Southwest. Craftsmen adopted motifs from afar to embellish objects such as shell-tempered ceramics, an innovation that–by taking advantage of a range of clays–led to new uses.  New strains of corn with a short growing cycle yielded two harvests a season and–by lessening fear of frost–encouraged farming further up the valleys. Improved strains of beans & squash followed.  Wealth solidified the elite’s position at the top of the increasingly complex society that evolved to erect cities along the river.

1200-1400 AD Middle Mississippian Period
The heyday of moundbuilding in the Delta. The arts flourished; finely wrought symbolic artifacts are a period hallmark.  With bountiful harvests & trade, social & religious customs grew more sophisticated. The moundbuilders expanded their earthworks to stage the elaborate rituals of a religion known to scholars as the Southeastern Ceremonial Complex.

1400-1500 AD Late Mississippian Period
Rulers began to lose their grip on the tightly organized societies of the lower Mississippi. Moundbuilding & public ceremony started to disappear. Chiefdoms factionalized; war, rather than political control, became the key to power.  With instability & drought, Native Americans vacated the Delta, leaving the mound cities empty for the Europeans to ponder in years to come. Farmers abandoned their fields for small plots inside walled enclosures.

Indians had established thousands of prehistoric Native American populationsettlements in Mississippi because of the area’s favorable environmental factors: abundant plant & animal life, warm climate, fertile soils, & navigable rivers & streams. Hernando DeSoto's Spanish army traversed the Mississippi Valley in the 1540s, when the Mississippian cultures were in decline. DeSoto landed near Tampa Bay, Florida, & for two years trekked across what are now the states of Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Arkansas, Texas, & Louisiana.  During the Hernando de Soto expedition, approximately 200,000 Native Americans lived in the area known today as Mississippi. Primarily because of diseases introduced by the Spaniards, the Indian population declined drastically over the next two centuries. By the time the French arrived in Mississippi at the end of the 17C, only about 37,000 Indians remained. The Native American population fell to an all-time low of approximately 16,500 by 1750.

The information for this posting came from The National Park Service and from Prehistoric Mississippi by David Morgan For Mississippi History Now, An Online Publication of the Mississippi Historical Society HERE. At the time David Morgan wrote his article, he was an archaeologist &  historian at the Old Capitol Museum, Mississippi Department of Archives and History.

Eyewitness John White 1585 - Women already on the Atlantic coast of America when the English arrived

1585 John White (English artist, c 1540-1593) Indian Woman of Florida

John White (English artist, c 1540-1593) was an English artist & early pioneer of English efforts to settle North America. He was among those who sailed with Richard Grenville to the shore of present-day North Carolina in 1585, acting as artist & mapmaker to the expedition. During his time at Roanoke Island he made a number of watercolor sketches of the surrounding landscape and the native Algonkin peoples. These works are significant as they are the most informative eyewitness illustrations of an early Native American society of the Eastern seaboard.

1587 Sir Walter Raleigh - Roanoke Island, North Carolina & Native Americans

From Europe to the Atlantic coast of America & on to the Pacific coast during the 17C-19C, settlers moved West encountering a variety of Indigenous Peoples who had lived on the land for centuries.

Unknown Artist Portrait of Sir Walter Raleigh

During Elizabeth's reign, Raleigh organized three major expeditions to America, including the first English settlement in America, in 1587—the ill-fated Roanoke settlement located in present-day North Carolina. In July 1585, Sir Walter Raleigh sent English colonists to an island off the coast of what is today North Carolina. The Indians called the island Roanoke Island. The English named the colony Virginia. In less than a year, the colony failed. The colonists did not know how to survive. When Sir Francis Drake visited the colony in 1586, he found the colonists starving. He rescued them & took them back to England. Raleigh’s first attempt had not worked. The Englishmen did not know how to survive in America.

This illustration is a detail from a map in the 1590 edition of Thomas Hariot’s Briefe and True Account of the New Found Land of Virginia.

In 1587, John White (1540- 1593) led 117 colonists to Roanoke. John White, hatched a plan to get people to go to Roanoke Island. It was to attract settlers who would bring their families with them & invest in the colony. Each settler would receive 500 acres of land & some view in the government of the colony. John White brought 91 men, 17 women, & 9 children. In the spring of 1587, they set sail. When they got there, they started repairing the old fort & the houses. It was clear that White would have to go back & get more supplies in order for the colony to survive the winter. So several weeks later he went back to England. He got delayed back in England for 3 years, because England was fighting a war with Spain. All of England’s sailors & ships were needed to defeat the Spanish Armada. (The Spanish armada was Spain’s attempt to invade England. There were 130 ships in the armada).

After 3 years, John White was able to return to Roanoke Island. When White & his men reached the shore they saw a fire blazing in the woods on the northern end of the island. White got excited because he thought the fire was a signal from the colonists. White & his men searched the island but could not find any of the people or his family, but there were clues. The men found no people but only the letters "CRO" carved on a tree & on another part of the island they found the word "Croatoan" carved on a wooden fence post. These carvings were the only clues they could find. White wanted to look for the lost people because he didn't see any signs of their deaths. He wanted to look for his family but fall was quickly coming. They knew it was the hurricane season & they could see a storm coming. White decided to return to England before the bad weather came. They left without ever finding the lost people.

Based on John White's original watercolor. (Illustration by Theodor de Bry)

John White’s Description of what he found, when he returned to Roanoke Island. August. On the 12 in the morning we departed from thence and toward night we came to an anker at the Northeast end of the Iland of Croatoan, by reason of a breach which we perceived to lie out two or three leagues into the Sea: here we road all that night...

The 15 of August towards evening we came to an anker at Hatorask, in 36 degr. and one third, in five fadom water, three leagues from the shore. At our first comming to anker on this shore we saw a great smoke rise in the Ile Roanoak neere the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1587, which smoake put us in good hope that some of the colony were there expecting my returne out of England.

The 16 and next morning our two boates went a shore & Captaine Cooke, & Cap. Spicer, & their company with me, with intent to passe to the place at Raonoak, where our countreymen were left. At our putting from the ship we commanded our Master gunner to make readie two Minions and a Falkon well loden, and to shoot them off with reasonable space betweene every shot, to the ende that their reportes might bee heard to the place where wee hoped to finde some of our people. This was accordingly performed, & our twoe boats put off unto the shore, in the Admirals boat we sounded all the way and found from our shippe until we came within a mile of the shore nine, eight, and seven fadome: but before we were halfe way betweene our ships and the shore we saw another great smoke to the Southwest of Kindrikers mountes: we therefore thought good to goe to the second smoke first: but it was much further from the harbour where we landed, then we supposed it to be, so that we were very sore tired before wee came to the smoke. But that which grieved us more was that when we came to the smoke, we found no man nor signe that any had bene there lately, nor yet any fresh water in all this way to drinke. Being thus wearied with this journey we returned to the harbour where we left our boates, who in our absence had brought their caske a shore for fresh water, so we deferred our going to Roanoak until the next morning, and caused some of those saylers to digge in those sandie hills for fresh water whereof we found very sufficient. That night wee returned aboord with our boates and our whole company in safety.

The next morning being the 17 of August, or boates and company were prepared againe to goe up to Roanoak, but Captaine Spicer had then sent his boat ashore for fresh water, by meanes whereof it was ten of the clocke aforenoone before we put from our ships which were then come to an anker within two miles of the shore. The Admirals boat was halfe way toward the shore, when Captaine Spicer put off from his ship. The Admirals boat first passed the breach, but not without some danger of sinking, for we had a sea brake into our boat which filled us halfe full of water, but by the will of God and carefull styrage of Captaine Cooke we came safe ashore, saving onely that our furniture, victuals, match and powder were much wet and spoyled. For at this time the winde blue at Northeast and direct into the harbour so great a gale, that the Sea brake extremely on the barre, and the tide went very forcibly at the entrance. By that time our Admirals boate was halled ashore, and most of our things taken out to dry, Captaine Spicer came to the entrance of the breach with his mast standing up, and was halfe passed over, but by the rash and undiscreet styrage of Ralph Skinner his Masters mate, a very dangerous Sea brake into their boate and overset them quite, the men kept the boat some in it, and some hanging on it, but the next sea set the boat on ground, where it beat so, that some of them were forced to let goe their hold, hoping to wade ashore; but the Sea still beat them downe, so that they could neither stand nor swimme, and the boat twise or thrise was turned the keele upward, whereon Captaine Spicer and Skinner hung untill they sunke, & were seene no more. But foure that could swimme a litle kept themselves in deeper water and were saved by Captain Cookes meanes, who so soone as he saw their oversetting, stripped himselfe, and four other that could swimme very well, & with all haste possible rowed unto them, & saved foure. They were a 11 in all, & 7 of the chiefest were drowned, whose names were Edward Spicer, Ralph Skinner, Edward Kelley, Thomas Bevis, Hance the Surgion, Edward Kelborne, Robert Coleman. This mischance did so much discomfort the saylers, that they were all of one mind not to goe any further to seeke the planters. But in the end by the commandement & perswasion of me and Captaine Cooke, they prepared the boates: and seeing the Captaine and me so resolute, they seemed much more willing.

Our boates and all things fitted againe, we put off from Hatorask, being the number of 19 persons in both boates: but before we could get to the place, where our planters were left, it was so exceeding darke, that we overshot the place a quarter of a mile: there we espied towards the North end of the Iland ye light of a great fire thorow the woods, to the which we presently rowed: when wee came right over against it, we let fall our Grapnel neere the shore, & sounded with a trumpet a Call, & afterwardes many familiar English tunes of Songs, and called to them friendly; but we had no answere, we therefore landed at day- breake, and coming to the fire, we found the grasse & sundry rotten trees burning about the place. From hence we went thorow the woods to that part of the Iland directly over against Dasamongwepeuk, & from thence we returned by the water side, round about the North point of the Iland, untill we came to the place where I left our Colony in the yeere 1586.

In all this way we saw in the sand the print of the Salvages feet of 2 or 3 sorts troaden ye night, and as we entred up the sandy banke upon a tree, in the very browe thereof were curiously carved these fair Romane letters C R O: which letters presently we knew to signifie the place, where I should find the planters seated, according to a secret token agreed upon betweene them & me at my last departure from them, which was, that in any wayes they should not faile to write or carve on the trees or posts of the dores the name of the place where they should be seated; for at my comming away they were prepared to remove from Roanoak 50 miles into the maine. Therefore at my departure from them in An. 1587 I willed them, that if they should happen to be distressed in any of those places, that then they should carve over the letters or name, a Crosse in this forme, but we found no such signe of distresse. And having well considered of this, we passed toward the place where they were left in sundry houses, but we found the houses taken downe, and the place very strongly enclosed with a high palisado of great trees, with cortynes and flankers very Fort-like, and one of the chiefe trees or postes at the right side of the entrance had the barke taken off, and 5 foote from the ground in fayre Capitall letters was graven CROATOAN without any crosse or signe of distresse; this done, we entred into the palisado, where we found many barres of Iron, two pigges of Lead, foure yron fowlers, Iron sacker- shotte, and such like heavie things, throwen here and there, almost overgrowen with grasse and weedes. From thence wee went along by the water side, towards the point of the Creeke to see if we could find any of their botes or Pinnisse, but we could perceive no signe of them, nor any of the last Falkons and small Ordinance which were left with them, at my departure from them. At our returne from the Creeke, some of our Saylers meeting us, tolde that they had found where divers chests had bene hidden, and long sithence digged up againe and broken up, and much of the goods in them spoyled and scattered about, but nothing left, of such things as the Savages knew any use of, undefaced. Presently Captaine Cooke and I went to the place, which was in the ende of an olde trench, made two yeeres past by Captaine Amadas: where wee found five Chests, that had bene carefully hidden of the Planters, and of the same chests three were my owne, and about the place many of my things spoyled and broken, and my bookes torne from the covers, the frames of some of my pictures and Mappes rotten and spoyled with rayne, and my armour almost eaten through with rust; this could bee no other but the deede of the Savages our enemies at Dasamongwepeuk, who had watched the departure of our men to Croatoan; and assoone as they were departed, digged up every place where they suspected any thing to be buried: but although it much grieved me to see such spoyle of my goods, yet on the other side I greatly joyed that I had safely found a certaine token of their safe being at Croatoan, which is the place where Manteo was borne, and the Savages of the Iland our friends.

When we had seene in this place so much as we could, we returned to our Boates, and departed from the shoare towards our Shippes, with as much speede as wee could: For the weather beganne to overcast, and very likely that a foule and stormie night would ensue. Therefore the same Evening with much danger and labour, we got our selves aboard, by which time the winde and seas were so greatly risen, that wee doubted our Cables and Anchors would scarcely holde untill Morning: wherefore the Captaine caused the Boate to be manned with five lusty men, who could swimme all well, and sent them to the little Iland on the right hand of the Harbour, to bring aboard sixe of our men, who had filled our caske with fresh water: the Boate the same night returned aboard with our men, but all our Caske ready filled they left behinde, unpossible to bee had aboard without danger of casting away both men and Boates: for this night prooved very stormie and foule.

The next Morning it was agreed by the Captaine and my selfe, with the Master and others, to wey anchor, and goe for the place at Croatoan, where our planters were: for the place at Croatoan, where our planters were: for that then the winde was good for that place, and also to leave that Caske with fresh water on shoare in the Iland untill our returne. So then they brought the cable to the Capston, but when the anchor was almost apecke, the Cable broke, by meanes whereof we lost another Anchor, wherewith we drove so fast into the shoare, that wee were forced to let fall a third Anchor: which came so fast home that the Shippe was almost aground by Kenricks mounts: so that wee were forced to let slippe the Cable ende for ende. And if it had not chanced that wee had fallen into a channell of deeper water, closer by the shoare then wee accompted of, wee could never have gone cleare of the poynt that lyeth to the Southwardes of Kenricks mounts. Being thus cleare of some dangers, and gotten into deeper waters, but not without some losse: for wee had but one Cable and Anchor left us of foure, and the weather grew to be fouler and fouler; our victuals scarse, and our caske and fresh water lost: it was therefore determined that we should goe for Saint John or some other Iland to the Southward for fresh water. And it was further purposed, that if wee could any wayes supply our wants of victuals and other necessaries, either at Hispaniola, Sant John, or Trynidad, that then wee should continue in the Indies all the Winter following, with hope to make 2 rich voyages of one, and at our returne to visit our countreyman at Virginia.

A Cheiff Lorde of Roanoac based on John White's original watercolor. (Illustration by Theodor de Bry) 
The chief men of the island & town of Roanoac reace the hair of their crowns of their heads cut like a cockscomb, as the others do. The rest they wear long as women & truss them up in a knot in the nape of their necks. They hang pearls strung upon a thread at their ears, & wear bracelets on their arms of pearls, or small beads of copper or of smooth bone called minsal, neither painting nor pouncing of themselves, but in token of authority, & honor, they wear a chain of great pearls, or copper beads or smooth bones about their necks, & a plate of copper hinge upon a string, from the navel unto the middle of their thighs. They cover themselves before & behind as the women do with a deer skin handsomely dressed, & fringed, Moreover they fold their arms together as they walk, or as they talk one with another in sign of wisdom. The isle of Roanoac is very pleasant, & has plenty of fish by reason of the Water that environs the same.


In 1618, Sir Walter Raleigh (1552-1618), English adventurer to the new world, writer, & favorite courtier of Queen Elizabeth I, was beheaded in London, under a sentence brought against him 15 years earlier for conspiracy against King James I.  After Queen Elizabeth died in 1603, Raleigh was implicated as a foe of King James I & imprisoned with a death sentence. The death sentence was later commuted, & in 1616 Raleigh was freed to lead an expedition to the New World, this time to establish a gold mine in the Orinoco River region of South America. However, the expedition was a failure, & when Raleigh returned to England, the death sentence of 1603 was invoked against him. Apparently. failure was not an option.

Eyewitness John White 1585 - Charnal House

Watercolor drawing Indian Charnal House by John White (created 1585-1586) 

A rectangular building  of pole and mat construction with curved roof, is raised perhaps 6 feet above the ground on eleven timber posts. The front end is open and the mat covering thrown back over the roof. The raised floor is made of either narrow poles or cane. Below it, in front, is a border or pelmet of cane or mat, perhaps 18 inches deep. On the raised floor lies a row of ten pale, naked and emaciated bodies placed close together on their backs, their arms by their sides and their heads almost reaching the front edge of the floor. Their hair is shown drawn out from the scalp to a point or knot. At their feet, four large rectangular bundles of matting with curved tops lie two by two against the end wall of the building. The figure of an idol ('Kywash') is represented sitting slightly elevated, with legs flexed and hands on knees, close to the right-hand wall and some little way back. It appears to be dressed in black throughout with a white streak or opening on the chest (giving the effect almost of a jacket and trousers with a white undergarment showing in front). Its feet and hands are black and on its head is a large round hat, brownish in color, with a rolled brim, coming to a point at the top. The face is pale and looks to the front. Under the floor of the building, inside the wooden posts, are two reddish-brown skins spread out on the ground, one on top of the other. In front a small spoke-shaped wood fire is burning. The building stands on a leveled foundation a little wider than itself and extending to the front of the drawing.

Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, "The Tombe of their Cherounes or cheife personages, their flesh clene taken of from the bones saue | the skynn and heare of theire heads, wch flesh is dried and enfolded in matts laide at theire | feete. their bones also being made dry, ar couered wth deare skynns not altering | their forme or proportion. With theire Kywash, which is an | Image of woode keeping the deade. "

John White (c 1540-1593) was an English artist & early pioneer of English efforts to settle North America. He was among those who sailed with Richard Grenville to the shore of present-day North Carolina in 1585, acting as artist & mapmaker to the expedition. During his time at Roanoke Island he made a number of watercolor sketches of the surrounding landscape & the native Algonkin peoples. White had been commissioned to "draw to life" the inhabitants of the New World & their surroundings.  During White's time at Roanoke Island, he completed numerous watercolor drawings of the surrounding landscape & native peoples. These works are significant as they are the most informative illustrations of a Native American society of the Eastern seaboard.  They represent the sole-surviving visual record of the native inhabitants of America encountered by England's first settlers.

1586 Ralph Lane's Report on the Colony at Roanoke & Native Americans

From Europe to the Atlantic coast of America & on to the Pacific coast during the 17C-19C, settlers moved West encountering a variety of Indigenous Peoples who had lived on the land for centuries.

Brent Lane with the First Colony Foundation spotted an anomaly on John White’s map drawn of “Virginia” in 1585-1586. The British Museum analyzed the map, shown below, & discovered the hidden icon locating a fort at the confluence of the Roanoke & Chowan Rivers under a patch.

The first English Colony of Roanoke, originally consisting of 100 householders, was founded in 1585, 22 years before Jamestown and 37 years before the Pilgrims landed in Massachusetts, under the ultimate authority of Sir Walter Raleigh. In 1584 Raleigh had been granted a patent by Queen Elizabeth I to colonize America.

This Colony was run by Ralph Lane c 1530-1603 after Sir Richard Grenville, who had transported the colonists to Virginia, returned to Britain for supplies. These colonists were ill-prepared and not particularly clever, because, although they depended upon the local Indians for food, they also antagonized the Indians by such tactics as kidnapping them and holding them hostage in exchange for information. Unfortunately for the colonists, who were desperately in need of supplies, Grenville's return was delayed. As a result, when Sir Francis Drake put in at Roanoke after destroying the Spanish colony of St. Augustine, the entire colony returned with Drake to England.

John White’s map drawn during 1585-1586

When Drake picked up these colonists, he left behind 15 of his own men, who were never heard from again. This foreshadowed one of the great mysteries of North America, Roanoke's so-called "Lost Colony" of 90 men, 17 women and 9 children, founded in 1587 and discovered to be missing in 1590, but for the word "Croatan" carved on a post. Although both the English and the Spanish searched for clues to the colony's disappearance for many years, the mystery has never been solved.

The first Roanoke colony lasted a total of ten months. This account, a fascinating description of America before European intrusion & settlement, is taken from Lane's report on the adventure to Sir Walter Raleigh.

To the Northwest the farthest place of our discovery was to Chawanook distant from Roanoak about 130 miles. Our passage thither lies through a broad sound, but all fresh water, and the channel of a great depth, navigable for good shipping, but out of the channel full of shoals...

Chawanook itself is the greatest province and Seigniorie lying upon that river, and that the town itself is able to put 700 fighting men into the field, besides the force of the province itself.

The king of the said province is called Menatonon, a man impotent in his limbs, but otherwise for a savage, a very grave and wise man, and of a very singular good discourse in matters concerning the state, not only of his own country, and the disposition of his own men, but also of his neighbors round about him as well far as near, and of the commodities that each country yields.

When I had him prisoner with me, for two days that we were together, he gave me more understanding and light of the country than I had received by all the searches and savages that before I or any of my company had had conference with: it was in March last past 1586. Among other things he told me, that going three days' journey in a canoe up his river of Chawanook, and then descending to the land, you are within four days' journey to pass over land Northeast to a certain king's country, whose province lies upon the Sea, but his place of greatest strength is an island situated, as he described unto me, in a bay, the water round about the island very deep.

Out of this bay he signified unto me, that this King had so great quantity of pearls, and does so ordinarily take the same, as that not only his own skins that he wears, and the better sort of his gentlemen and followers are full set with the said pearls, but also his beds, and houses are garnished with them, and that he has such quantity of them, that it is a wonder to see...

The king of Chawanook promised to give me guides to go overland into that king's country whensoever I would: but he advised me to take good store of men with me, and good store of victual, for he said, that king would be loth to suffer any strangers to enter into his country, and especially to meddle with the fishing for any pearls there, and that he was able to make a great many of men in to the field, which he said would fight very well...

And for that not only Menatonon, but also the savages of Moratoc themselves do report strange things of the head of that river, it is thirty days, as some of them say, and some say forty days' voyage to the head thereof, which head they say springs out of a main rock in that abundance, that forthwith it makes a most violent stream: and further, that this huge rock stands so near unto a Sea, that many times in storms (the wind coming outwardly from the sea) the waves thereof are beaten into the said fresh stream, so that the fresh water for a certain space, grows salt and brackish: I took a resolution with myself, having dismissed Menatonon upon a ransom agreed for, and sent his son into the pinnace to Roanoak, to enter presently so far into that river with two double whirries, and forty persons one or other, as I could have victual to carry us, until we could meet with more either of the Moraroks, or of the Mangoaks, which is another kind of savages, dwelling more to the westward of the said river: but the hope of recovering more victual from the savages made me and my company as narrowly to escape starving in that discovery before our return, as ever men did, that missed the same...

And that which made me most desirous to have some doings with the Mangoaks either in friendship or otherwise to have had one or two of them prisoners, was, for that it is a thing most notorious to all the country, that there is a province to the which the said Mangoaks have resource and traffic up that river of Moratoc, which has a marvelous and most strange mineral. This mine is so notorious among them, as not only to the savages dwelling up the said river, and also to the savages of Chawanook, and all them to the westward, but also to all them of the main: the country's name is of fame, and is called Chaunis Temoatan.

The mineral they say is Wassador, which is copper, but they call by the name of Wassador every metal whatsoever: they say it is of the color of our copper, but our copper is better than theirs: and the reason is for that it is redder and harder, whereas that of Chaunis Temoatan is very soft, and pale: they say that they take the said metal out of a river that falls very swift from high rocks and hills, and they take it in shallow water: the manner is this.

They take a great bowl by their description as great as one of our targets, and wrap a skin over the hollow part thereof, leaving one part open to receive in the mineral: that done, they watch the coming down of the current, and the change of the color of the water, and then suddenly chop down the said bowl with the skin, and receive into the same as much ore as will come in, which is ever as much as their bowl will hold, which presently they cast into a fire, and forthwith it melts, and does yield in five parts at the first melting, two parts of metal for three parts of ore.

Of this metal the Mangoaks have so great store, by report of all the savages adjoining, that they beautify their houses with great plates of the same: and this to be true, I received by report of all the country, and particularly by young Skiko, the King of Chawanooks son of my prisoner, who also himself had been prisoner with the Mangoaks, and set down all the particulars to me before mentioned: but he had not been at Chaunis Temoatan himself: for he said it was twenty days' journey overland from the Mangoaks, to the said mineral country, and that they passed through certain other territories between them and the Mangoaks, before they came to the said country.

Upon report of the premises, which I was very inquisitive in all places where I came to take very particular information of by all the savages that dwelt towards these parts, and especially of Menatonon himself, who in everything did very particularly inform me, and promised me guides of his own men, who should pass over with me, even to the said country of Chaunis Temoatan, for overland from Chawanook to the Mangoaks is but one day's journey from sun rising to sun setting, whereas by water it is seven days with the soonest: These things, I say, made me very desirous by all means possible to recover the Mangoaks, and to get some of that their copper for an assay, and therefore I willingly yielded to their resolution: But it fell out very contrary to all expectation, and likelihood: for after two days' travel, and our whole victual spent, lying on shore all night, we could never see man, only fires we might perceive made along the shore where we were to pass, and up into the country, until the very last day.

In the evening whereof, about three of the clock we heard certain savages call as we thought, Manteo, who was also at that time with me in the boat, whereof we all being very glad, hoping of some friendly conference with them, and making him to answer them, they presently began a song, as we thought, in token of our welcome to them: but Manteo presently betook him to his piece, and told me that they meant to fight with us: which word was not so soon spoken by him, and the light horseman ready to put to shore, but there lighted a volley of their arrows among them in the boat, but did no hurt to any man...

Choosing a convenient ground in safety to lodge in for the night, making a strong corps of guard, and putting out good sentinels, I determined the next morning before the rising of the sun to be going back again, if possibly we might recover the mouth of the river, into the broad sound, which at my first motion I found my whole company ready to assent unto: for they were now come to their dog's porridge, that they had bespoken for themselves if that befell them which did, and I before did mistrust we should hardly escape.

The end was, we came the next day by night to the river's mouth within four or five miles of the same, having rowed in one day down the current, much as in four days we had done against the same: we lodged upon an island, where we had nothing in the world to eat but pottage of sassafras leaves, the like whereof for a meat was never used before as I think. The broad sound we had to pass the next day all fresh and fasting: that day the wind blew so strongly and the billow so great, that there was no possibility of passage without sinking of our boats. This was upon Easter eve, which was fasted very truly. Upon Easter day in the morning the wind coming very calm, we entered the sound, and by four of the clock we were at Chipanum, whence all the savages that we had left there were left, but their wares did yield us some fish, as God was pleased not utterly to suffer us to be lost: for some of our company of the light horsemen were far spent. The next morning we arrived at our home Roanoak...

This fell out the first of June 1586, and the eight of the same came advertisement to me from captain Stafford, lying at my lord Admiral's Island, that he had discovered a great fleet of three and twenty sails: but whether they were friends or foes, he could not yet discern. He advised me to stand upon as good guard as I could.

The ninth of the said month he himself came unto me, having that night before, and that same day traveled by land twenty miles: and I must truly report of him from the first to the last; he was the gentleman that never spared labor or peril either by land or water, fair weather or foul, to perform any service committed unto him.

He brought me a letter from the General Sir Francis Drake, with a most bountiful and honorable offer for the supply of our necessities to the performance of the action we were entered into; and that not only of victuals, munition, and clothing, but also of barks, pinnaces, and boats; they also by him to be victualed, manned and furnished to my contentation.

The tenth day he arrived in the road of our bad harbor: and coming there to an anchor, the eleventh day I came to him, whom I found in deeds most honorably to perform that which in writing and message he had most courteously offered, he having aforehand propounded the matter to all the captains of his fleet, and got their liking and consent thereto.

With such thanks unto him and his captains for his care both of us and of our action, not as the matter deserved, but as I could both for my company and myself, I (being aforehand prepared what I would desire) craved at his hands that it would please him to take with him into England a number of weak and unfit men for any good action, which I would deliver to him; and in place of them to supply me of his company with oar-men, artificers, and others.

That he would leave us so much shipping and victual, as about August then next following would carry me and all my company into England, when we had discovered somewhat, that for lack of needful provision in time left with us as yet remained undone.

That it would please him withal to leave some sufficient Masters not only to carry us into England, when time should be, but also to search the coast for some better harbor, if there were any, and especially to help us to some small boats and oar-men...

While these things were in hand, the provision aforesaid being brought, and in bringing aboard, my said masters being also gone aboard, my said barks having accepted of their charge, and my own officers, with others in like sort of my company with them (all which was dispatched by the said general the 12 of the said month) the 13 of the same there arose such an unwonted storm, and continued four days...

This storm having continued from the 13 to the 16 of the month, and thus my bark put away as aforesaid, the general coming ashore made a new proffer unto me; which was a ship of 170 tons, called the bark Bonner, with a sufficient master and guide to tarry with me the time appointed, and victualed sufficiently to carry me and my company into England, with all provisions as before: but he told me that he would not for anything undertake to have her brought into our harbor, and therefore he was to leave her in the road, and to leave the care of the rest unto myself, and advised me to consider with my company of our case, and to deliver presently unto him in writing what I would require him to do for us; which being within his power, he did assure me as well for his captains as for himself, should be most willingly performed.

Hereupon calling such captains and gentlemen of my company as then were at hand, who were all as privy as myself to the general's offer; their whole request was to me, that considering the case that we stood in, the weakness of our company, the small number of the same, the carrying away of our first appointed bark, with those two special masters, with our principal provisions in the same, by the very hand of God as it seemed, stretched out to take us from thence; considering also, that his second offer, though most honorable of his part, yet of ours not to be taken, insomuch as there was no possibility for her with any safety to be brought into the harbor: seeing furthermore, our hope for supply with Sir Richard Grenville, so undoubtedly promised us before Easter, not yet come, neither then likely to come this year, considering the doings in England for Flanders, and also for America, that therefore I would resolve myself with my company to go into England in that fleet, and accordingly to make request to the general in all our names, that he would be pleased to give us present passage with him...

From whence the general in the name of the Almighty, weighing his anchors (having bestowed us among his fleet) for the relief of whom he had in that storm sustained more peril of wreck than in all his former most honorable actions against the Spaniards, with praises unto God for all, set sail the nineteenth of June 1596, and arrived in Portsmouth the seven and twentieth of July the same year.

Eyewitness John White 1585 - Religious Priest

Watercolor drawing Indian Priest by John White (created 1585-1586)

An elderly man stands facing half-right, his right foot placed slightly in front of his left, wearing a short cloak which covers his left shoulder and arm. It is tied with a string on the right shoulder leaving the right arm bare. It reaches barely to the thighs and is made of narrow strips of light brown fur, with hem and neckband probably of reversed skin. His right hand is raised and points downwards with the index finger. There is a suggestion of veins (or body painting (?) on the right forearm. His hair is shaved close at the sides leaving a stiff roach from the forehead to the nape of the neck and also a fringe projecting from his forehead. A few wisps of facial hair can be seen on his chin and upper lip. Some of the wrinkles on the face would appear to have been emphasized with red paint. He is wearing an ornament consisting of a strip of skin threaded through the lobe of the ear, tied below the ear and marked at each end with a grey streak, probably representing a bone or shell bead.

Inscribed in dark brown ink, at the top, "One of their Religious men. "

John White (c 1540-1593) was an English artist & early pioneer of English efforts to settle North America. He was among those who sailed with Richard Grenville to the shore of present-day North Carolina in 1585, acting as artist & mapmaker to the expedition. During his time at Roanoke Island he made a number of watercolor sketches of the surrounding landscape & the native Algonkin peoples. White had been commissioned to "draw to life" the inhabitants of the New World & their surroundings.  During White's time at Roanoke Island, he completed numerous watercolor drawings of the surrounding landscape & native peoples. These works are significant as they are the most informative illustrations of a Native American society of the Eastern seaboard.  They represent the sole-surviving visual record of the native inhabitants of America encountered by England's first settlers.

1584 Sir Walter Raleigh's Men Reach Virginia & Encounter Native Americans

Theodor de Bry (1528-1598) Native Americans Making Canoes  A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia

The first voyage made to the coasts of America after Elizabeth I's grant to Sir Walter Raleigh, with two barks, wherein were Captaines M. Philip Amadas, & M. Arthur Barlowe, who discovered part of the Countrey now called Virginia, Anno 1584. Written by one of the said Captaines, & sent to sir Walter Ralegh knight, at whose charge & direction, the said voyage was set forth.

      The 27 day of Aprill, in the yeere of our redemption, 1584 we departed the West of England, with two barkes well furnished with men & victuals, having received our last & perfect direcions by your letters, confirming the former instructions, & commandements delivered by your selfe at our leaving the river of Thames. And I thinke it a matter both unnecessary for the manifest discoverie of the Countrey, as also for tediousnesse sake, to remember unto you the diurnall of our course, sayling thither & returning: onely I have presumed to present unto you this briefe discourse, by which you may judge how profitable this land is likely to succeede, as well to your selfe, (by whose direction & charge, & by whose servantes this our discoverie hath beene performed) as also to her Highnesse, & the Common wealth, in which we hope your wisedome wilbe satisfied, considering that as much as by us hath bene brought to light, as by those smal meanes, & number of men we had, could any way have bene expected or hoped for.

       The tenth of May we arrived at the Canaries, & the tenth of June in this present yeere, we were fallen with the Islands of the West Indies, keeping a more Southeasterly course then was needefull, because wee doubted that the current of the Bay of Mexico, disbogging betweene the Cape of Florida & Havana, had bene of greater force then afterwardes we found it to bee. At which Islands we found the ayre very unwholsome, & our men grew for the most part ill disposed: so that having refreshed our selves with sweet water, & fresh victuall, we departed the twelfth day of our arrivall there. These Islands, with the rest adjoyning, are so well knowen to your selfe, & to many others, as I will not trouble you with the remembrance of them.

       The second of July, we found shole water, wher we smelt so sweet, & so strong a smel, as if we had bene in the midst of some delicate garden abounding with all kinde of odoriferous flowers, by which we were assured, that the land could not be farre distant: & keeping good watch, & bearing but slacke saile, the fourth of the same moneth we arrived upon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent & firme lande, & we sayled along the same a hundred & twentie English miles before we could finde any entrance, or river issuing into the Sea. The first that appeared unto us, we entred, though not without some difficultie, & cast anker about three harqquebuz-shot within the havens mouth, on the left hand of the same: & after thankes given to God for our safe arrivall thither, we manned our boats, & went to view the land next adjoyning, & to take possession of the same, in the right of the Queenes most excellent Majestie, as rightffull Queene, & Princesse of the same, & after delivered the same over to your use, according to her Majesties grant, & letters patents, under her Highnesse great Seale. Which being performed, according to the ceremonies used in such enterprises, we viewed the land about us, being, whereas we first landed, very sandie & low towards the waters side, but so full of grapes, as the very beating & surge of the Sea overflowed them, of which we found such plentie, as well there as in all places else, both on the sand & on the greene soile on the hils, as in the plaines, as well on every little shrubbe, as also climing towardes the tops of high Cedars, that I thinke in all the world the like abundance is not to be found: & my selfe having seene those parts of Europe that most abound, find such difference as were incredible to be written.

       We passed from the Sea side towardes the toppes of those hilles next adjoyning, being but of meane higth & from thence wee behelde the Sea on both sides to the North, & to the South, finding no ende any of both wayes. This lande lay stretching it selfe to the West, which after wee found to bee but an Island of twentie miles long, & not above sixe miles broade. Under the banke or hill whereon we stoode, we behelde the vallyes replenished with goodly Cedar trees, & having discharged our harquebuz-shot, such a flocke of Cranes (the most part white) arose under us, with such a cry redoubled by many ecchoes, as if an armie of men had showted all together.

       This Island had many goodly woodes full of Deere, Conies, Hares, & Fowle, even in the middest of Summer in incredible abundance. The woodes are not such as you finde in Bohemia, Muscovia, or Hercynia, barren & fruitles, but the highest & reddest Cedars of the world, farre bettering the Ceders of the Âcores, of the Indies, or Lybanus, Pynes, Cypres, Sassaphras, the Lentisk, or the tree that beareth the Masticke, the tree that beareth the rine of blacke Sinamon, of which Master Winter brought from the streights of Magellan, & many other of excellent smell & qualitie. We remained by the side of this Island two whole dayes before we saw any people of the Countrey: the third day we espied one small boate rowing towardes us having in it three persons: this boat came to the Island side, foure harquebuz-shot from our shippes, & there two of the people remaining, the third came along the shoreside towards us, & wee being then all within boord, he walked up & downe upon the point of the land next unto us: then the Master & the Pilot of the Admirall, Simon Fernandino, & the Captaine Philip Amadas, my selfe, & others rowed to the land, whose comming this fellow attended, never making any shewe of feare or doubt. And after he had spoken of many things not understood by us, we brought him with his owne good liking, aboord the ships, & gave him a shirt, a hat & some other things, & made him taste of our wine, & our meat, which he liked very wel: & after having viewed both barks, he departed, & went to his owne boat againe, which hee had left in a little Cove or Creeke adjoyning: as soone as hee was two bow shoot into the water, he fell to fishing, & in lesse then halfe an houre, he had laden his boate as deepe, as it could swimme, with which hee came againe to the point of the lande, & there he devided his fish into two parts, pointing one part to the ship, & the other to the pinnesse: which, after he had (as much as he might) requited the former benefites received, departed out of our sight.

      The next day there came unto us divers boates, & in one of them the Kings brother, accompanied with fortie or fiftie men, very handsome & goodly people, & in their behaviour as mannerly & civill as any of Europe. His name was Granganimeo, & the king is called Wingina, the country Wingandacoa, & now by her Majestie Virginia. The maner of his comming was in this sort: hee left his boates altogether as the first man did a little from the shippes by the shore, & came along to the place over against the ships, followed with fortie men. When he came to the place over against the ships, followed with fortie men. When he came to the place, his servants spread a long matte upon the ground, on which he sate downe, & at the other ende of the matte foure others of his companie did the like, the rest of his men stood round about him, somewhat a farre off: when we came to the shore to him with our weapons, hee never mooved from his place, nor any of the other foure, nor never mistrusted any harme to be offred from us, but sitting still he beckoned us to come & sit by him, which we performed: & being set hee made all signes of joy & welcome, striking on his head & his breast & afterwardes on ours, to shewe wee were all one, smiling & making shewe the best he could of all love, & familiaritie. After hee had made a long speech unto us, wee presented him with divers things, which hee received very joyfully, & thankefully. None of the company durst speake one worde all the time: onely the foure which were at the other ende, spake one in the others eare very softly.

       The King is greatly obeyed, & his brothers & children reverenced: the King himselfe in person was at our being there, sore wounded in a fight which hee had with the King of the next countrey, called Wingina, & was shot in two places through the body, & once cleane through the thigh, but yet he recovered: by reason whereof & for that hee lay at the chiefe towne of the countrey, being sixe dayes journey off, we saw him not at all.

      After we had presented this his brother with such things as we thought he liked, wee likewise gave somewhat to the other that sat with him on the matte: but presently he arose & tooke all from them & put it into his owne basket, making signes & tokens, that all things ought to bee delivered unto him, & the rest were but his servants, & followers. A day or two after this we fell to trading with them, exchanging some things that we had, for Chamoys, Buffe, & Deere skinnes: when we shewed him all our packet of merchandize, of all things that he sawe, a bright tinne dish most pleased him, which hee presently tooke up & clapt it before his breast, & after made a hole in the brimme thereof & hung it about his necke, making signes that it would defende him against his enemies arrowes: for those people maintaine a deadly & terrible warre, with the people & King adjoyning. We exchanged our tinne dish for twentie skinnes, woorth twentie Crownes, or twentie Nobles: & a copper kettle for fiftie skins woorth fifty Crownes. They offered us good exchange for our hatchets, & axes, & for knives, & would have given any thing for swordes: but wee would not depart with any. After two or three dayes the Kings brother came aboord the shippes, & dranke wine, & eat of our meat & of our bread, & liked exceedingly thereof: & after a few dayes overpassed, he brought his wife with him to the ships, his daughter & two or three children: his wife was very well favoured, of meane stature & very bashfull: shee had on her backe a long cloake of leather, with the furre side next to her body, & before her a piece of the same: about her forehead shee had a bande of white Corall, & so had her husband many times: in her eares shee had bracelets of pearles hanging downe to her middle, (whereof wee delivered your worship a little bracelet) & those were of the bignes of good pease. The rest of her women of the better sort had pendants of copper hanging in either eare, & some of the children of the kings brother & other noble men, have five or sixe in either eare: he himselfe had upon his head a broad plate of golde, or copper for being unpolished we knew not what mettal it should be, neither would he by any meanes suffer us to take it off his head, but feeling it, would bow very easily. His apparell was as his wives, onely the women weare their haire long on both sids, & the men but on one. They are of colour yellowish, & their haire black for the most part, & yet we saw children that had very fine aburne, & chestnut coloured haire.

      After that these women had bene there, there came downe from all parts great store of people, bringing with them leather, corall, divers kindes of dies very excellent, & exchanged with us: but when Granganimeo the kings brother was present, none durst trade but himselfe: except such as weare red pieces of copper on their heads like himselfe: for that is the difference betweene the noble men, & the governours of the countreys, & you have understood since by these men, which we brought home, that no people in the worlde cary more respect to their King, Nobilitie, & Governours, then these doe. The Kings brothers wife, when she came to us (as she did many times) was followed with forty or fifty women alwayes: & when she came into the shippe, she left them all on land, saving her two daughters, her nurse & one or two more. The Kings brother alwayes kept this order, as many boates as he would come withall to the shippes, so many fires would hee make on the shore a farre off, to the end we might understand with what strength & company he approached. Their boates are made of one tree, either of Pine or of Pitch trees: a wood not commonly knowen to our people, nor found growing in England. They have no edge- tooles to make them withall: if they have any they are very fewe, & those it seemes they had twentie yeres since, which, as those two men declared, was out of a wrake which happened upon their coast of some Christian ship, being beaten that way by some storme & outragious weather, whereof none of the people were saved, but only the ship, or some part of her being cast upon the sand, out of whose sides they drew the nayles & the spikes, & with those they made their best instruments. The manner of making their boates is thus: they burne downe some great tree, or take such as are winde fallen, & putting gumme & rosen upon one side thereof, they set fire into it, & when it hath burnt it hollow, they cut out the coale with their shels, & ever where they would burne it deeper or wider they lay on gummes, which burne away the timber, & by thie meanes they fashion very fine boates, & such as will transport twentie men. Their oares are like scoopes, & many times they set with long pooles, as the depth serveth.

      The Kings brother had great liking of our armour, a sword, & divers other things which we had: & offered to lay a great boxe of pearle in gage for them: but we refused it for this time, because we would not make them knowe, that we esteemed thereof, untill we had understoode in what places of the countrey the pearle grew: which now your Worshippe doeth very well understand.  He was very just of his promise: for many times we delivered him merchandize upon his word, but ever he came within the day & performed his promise. He sent us every day a brase or two of fat Bucks, Conies, Hares, Fish the best of the world. He sent us divers kindes of fruites, Melons, Walnuts, Cucumbers, Gourdes, Pease, & divers rootes, & fruites very excellent good, & of their Countrey corne, which is very white, faire & well tasted, & groweth three times in five moneths: in May they sow, in July they reape, in June they sow, in August they reape: in July they sow, in September they reape: onely they cast the corne into the ground breaking a little of the soft turfe with a wodden mattock, or pickeaxe: our selves prooved the soile, & put some of our Pease in the ground, & in tenne dayes they were of fourteene ynches high: they have also Beanes very faire of divers colours & wonderfull plentie: some growing naturally, & some in their gardens, & so have they both wheat & oates.

       The soile is the most plentifull, sweete, fruitfull & wholsome of all the worlde: there are above foureteene severall sweete smelling timber trees, & the most part of their underwoods are Bayes & such like: they have those Okes that we have, but farre greater & better. After they had bene divers times aboord our shippes, my selfe, with seven more went twentie mile into the River, that runneth towarde the Citie of Skicoak, which River they call Occam: & the evening following, wee came to an island, which they call Raonoak, distant from the harbour by which we entred, seven leagues: & at the North end thereof was a village of nine houses, built of Cedar, & fortified round about with sharpe trees, to keepe out their enemies, & the entrance into it made like a turne pike very artificially; when wee came towardes it, standing neere unto the waters side, the wife of Granganimo the kings brother came running out to meete us very cheerefully & friendly, her husband was not then in the village; some of her people shee commanded to drawe our boate on shore for the beating of the billoe: others she appointed to cary us on their backes to the dry ground, & others to bring our oares into the house for feare of stealing. When we were come into the utter roome, having five roomes in her house, she caused us to sit downe by a great fire, & after tooke off our clothes & washed them, & dryed them againe: some of the women plucked off our stockings & washed them, some washed our feete in warme water, & shee her selfe tooke great paines to see all things ordered in the best maner shee could, making great haste to dresse some meate for us to eate.

       After we had thus dryed our selves, she brought us into the inner roome, where shee set on the boord standing along the house, some wheate like furmentie, sodden Venison, & roasted, fish sodden, boyled, & roasted, Melons rawe, & sodden rootes of divers kindes, & divers fruites: their drinke is commonly water, but while the grape lasteth, they drinke wine, & for want of caskes to keepe it, all the yere after they drink water, but it is sodden with Ginger in it, & blacke Sinamon, & sometimes Sassaphras, & divers other wholesome, & medicinable hearbes & trees. We were entertained with all love & kindnesse, & with as much bountie (after their maner) as they could possibly devise. We found the people most gentle, loving, & faithfull, voide of all guile & treason, & such as live after the maner of the golden age. The people onely care howe to defend themselves from the cold in their short winter, & to feed themselves with such meat as the soile affoordeth: there meate is very well sodden & they make broth very sweet & savorie: their vessels are earthen pots, very large, white & sweete, their dishes are wodden platters of sweet timber: within the place where they feede was their lodging, & within that their Idoll, which they worship, of whome they speake incredible things. While we were at meate, there came in at the gates two or three men with their bowes & arrowes from hunting, whom when wee espied, we beganne to looke one towardes another, & offered to reach our weapons: but as soone as shee espied our mistrust, shee was very much mooved, & caused some of her men to runne out, & take away their bowes & arrowes & breake them, & withall beate the poore fellowes out of the gate againe. When we departed in the evening & would not tary all night, she was very sory, & gave us into our boate our supper halfe dressed, pottes & all, & brought us to our boateside, in which wee lay all night, remooving the same a prettie distance from the shoare: shee perceiving our jealousie, was much greived, & sent divers men & thirtie women, to sit all night on the banke side by us, & sent us into our boates five mattes to cover us from the raine, using very many wordes to intreate us to rest in their houses: but because wee were few men, & if wee had miscaried, the voyage had bene in very great danger, wee durst not adventure any thing, though there was no cause of doubt: for a more kinde & loving people there can not be found in the worlde, as farre as we have hitherto had triall.

       Beyond this Island there is the maine lande, & over against this Island falleth into this spacious water, the great river called Occam by the inhabitants on which standeth a towne called Pomeiock, & sixe dayes journey from the same is situate their greatest citie called Skicoak, which this people affirme to be very great: but the Savages were never at it, only they speake of it by the report of their fathers & other men, whom they have heard affirme it to bee above one houres journey about.

       Into this river falleth another great river, called Cipo, in which there is found great store of Muskles in which there are pearles: likewise there descendeth into this Occam, another river, called Nomopana, on the one side whereof standeth a great towne called Chawanook, & the Lord of that towne & countrey is called Pooneno: this Poomeno is not subject to the king of Wingandacoa, but is a free Lord: beyond this country is there another king, whom they cal Menatonon, & these three kings are in league with each other. Towards the Southwest, foure dayes journey is situate a towne called Sequotan, which is the Southernmost towne of Wingandacoa, neere unto which, sixe & twentie yeres past there was a ship cast away, whereof some of the people were saved, & those were white people, whome the countrey people preserved.

       And after ten dayes remaining in an out Island unhabited, called Wocokon, they with the help of some of the dwellers of Sequotan, fastened two boates of the countrey together & made mastes unto them, & sailes of their shirtes, & having taken into them such victuals as the countrey yeelded, they departed after they had remained in this out Island 3 weekes: but shortly after it seemed they were cast away, for the boates were found upon the coast, cast a land in another Island adjoyning: other then these, there was never any people apparelled, or white of colour, either seene or heard of amongst these people, & these aforesaid were seen onely of the inhabitants of Secotan, which appeared to be very true, for they wondred marvelously when we were amongst them at the whitenes of our skins, ever coveting to touch our breasts, & to view the same. Besides they had our ships in marvelous admiration, & all things els were so strange unto them, as it appeared that none of them had ever seene the like. When we discharged any piece, were it but an hargubuz, they would tremble thereat for very feare, & for the strangenesse of the same: for the weapons which themselves use are bowes & arrowes: the arrowes are but of small canes, headed with a sharpe shell or tooth of a fish sufficient ynough to kill a naked man. Their swordes be of wood hardened: likewise they use wooden breastplates for their defence. They have besides a kinde of club, in the end whereof they fasten the sharpe hornes of a stagge, or other beast. When they goe to warres they cary about with them their idol, of whom they aske counsel, as the Romans were woont of the Oracle of Apollo. They sing songs as they march towardes the battell in stead of drummes & trumpets: their warres are very cruell & bloody, by reason whereof, & of their civill dissentions which have happened of late yeeres amongst them, the people are marvelously wasted, & in some places the countrey left desolate.

       Adjoyning to this countrey aforesaid called Secotan begginneth a countrey called Pomovik, belonging to another king whom they call Piamacum, & this king is in league with the next king adjoyning towards the setting of the Sunne, & the countrey Newsiok, situate upon a goodly river called Neus: these kings have mortall warre with Wingina king of Wingandacoa: but about two yeeres past there was a peace madde betweene the King Piemacum, & the Lord of Secotan, as these men which we have brought with us to England, have given us to understand: but there remaineth a mortall malice in the Secotanes, for many injuries & slaughters done upon them by this Piemacum. They invited divers men, & thirtie women of the best of his countrey to their towne to a feast: & when they were altogether merry, & praying before their Idol, (which is nothing els but a meer illusion of the devil) the captaine or Lord of the town came suddenly upon them, & slewe them every one, reserving the women & children: & these two have often times since perswaded us to surprize Piemacum his towne, having promised & assured us, that there will be found in it great store of commodities. But whether their perswasion be to the ende they may be revenged of their enemies, or for the love of they beare to us, we leave that to the tryall hereafter.

       Beyond the Island called Roanoak, are maine Islands very plentifull of fruits & other naturall increases, together with many townes, & villages, along the side of the continent, some bounding upon the Islands, & some stretching up further into the land.

       When we first had sight of this countrey, some thought the first land we saw to bee the continent: but after we entred into the Haven, we saw before us another mighty long Sea: for there lyeth along the coast a tracte of Islands, two hundreth miles in length, adjoyning to the Ocean sea, & betweene the Islands, two or three entrances: when you are entred betweene them (these Islands being very narrow for the most part, as in most places sixe miles broad, in some places lesse, in fewe more) then there appeareth another great Sea, containing in bredth in some places, forty, & in some fifty, in some twenty miles over, before you come unto the continent: & in this inclosed Sea there are above an hundreth Islands of divers bignesses, whereof one is sixteene miles long, at which we were finding it a most pleasant & fertile ground, replenished with goodly Cedars, & divers other sweete woods, full of Corrants, of flaxe, & many other notable commodities, which we at that time had no leasure to view. Besides this Island there are many, as I have sayd, some of two or three, or foure, or five miles, some more, some lesse, most beautifull & pleasant to behold, replenished with Deere, Conies, Hares & divers beasts, & about them the goodliest & best fish in the world, & in greatest abundance.

       Thus Sir, we have acquainted you with the particulars of our discovery, made this present voyage, as farre foorth as the shortnesse of the time we there continued would affoord us take view of: & so contenting our selves with this service at this time, which wee hope hereafter to inlarge, as occasion & assistance shalbe given, we resolved to leave the countrey, & to apply our selves to returne for England, which we did accordingly, & arrived safely in the West of England about the middest of September.  (We brought home also two of the Savages being lustie men whose names were Wanchese & Manteo.)

       And whereas wee have above certified you of the countrey taken in possession by us, to her Majesties use, & so to yours by her Majesties grant, wee thought good for the better assurance thereof to record some of the particular Gentleman, & men of accompt, who then were present as witnesses of the same, that thereby all occasion of cavill to the title of the countrey, in her Majesties behalfe may be prevented, which otherwise, such as like not the action may use & pretend, whose names are:
Captaines:
Master Philip Amadas,
Master Arthur Barlow,
Of the Companie:
William Greenevile,
John Wood,
James Browewich,
Henry Greene,
Benjamin Wood,
Simon Ferdinando,
Nicholas Petman,
John Hewes

Eyewitness John White 1585 - Dancing

Watercolor drawing Indians Dancing Around A Circle of Posts by John White (created 1585-1586) 

Seventeen Indians (ten men, seven women) are dancing within and around a circle of seven upright posts, somewhat taller than a man, defined on the ground by a path outside them. The tops of the posts are carved in the form of human heads which appear to be draped and to have the features painted in pale grey and reddish colours, touched with white. The dancers may be divided into three groups: the two figures standing between the posts in the foreground, whose clasped hands hold a leafy twig; the circle of men and women dancers moving outside the circle of posts; the three women in the center of the circle clasped closely together, facing inwards. Numbering the dancers clockwise from a post at the bottom, left of center: (1) a woman, to the right of the post, is balanced on her left leg, her right foot crossing it behind. She is dressed in a fringed skin mantle which hangs over her left shoulder and reveals the fur on the fold. The mantle appears to be tied round the waist with a band or string into which is tucked a skin bag with fringed ends which hangs down behind. Her hair sticks out in a fringe at the front and is tied behind at the neck and she probably has a headband. She appears to have a small bracelet on her right wrist. She is tattooed or painted on the upper arms and holds in her left hand a gourd rattle with a stick handle; her right hand clasps that of her neighbor; (2) a man to the left of the post, seen from the back, his head turned to the left, is balanced on his right foot with his left leg raised high, the knee fully bent and his right arm raised above his head, a twig in his hand; his left hand is thrust behind his back and holds a gourd rattle. He is wearing a single apron-skirt, secured by a thong round his waist, from which a skin bag hangs over his right hip. His hair is short at the side with a roach down the middle into which two feathers are stuck. Apparently, from his right ear an ornament (or tobacco pipe?) protrudes. On the left side of his back are three or four designs, perhaps downward-pointing arrows; (3) below the post furthest to the left a man seen from the back is in a similar posture, but with his right knee raised, the rattle (in red body-color) in his right hand held above his head, and a twig in his left which he holds away from his body. His dress is also similar but he wears his bag on the left. The sides of his head are seen to be shaven and the roach comes to a point on the nape of his neck. He seems to be wearing five feathers on his head, one above each ear and three sticking in the roach. On his left shoulder there is a design, perhaps a small animal within a shield-like border; (4) a woman, facing front and to the left of the post, is balanced on her right foot, the left pulled up behind her, and is holding a twig in her right hand and another in her left which is stretched across the front of her body. She is wearing a double apron-skirt. Her hair is fringed on the forehead, worn long and caught up at the neck. An ornament is just visible near her left ear, which may be a string of beads or pearls hanging down on the left side of her head. She has a two- or three-strand necklace and tattooed or painted ornaments on her left upper arm and wrist; (5) a man facing front, to the right of the next post, his right leg thrust out behind him, is balanced on the ball of his left foot. His left hand is raised above his head and holds a twig, while his right grasps a rattle held out from his side. He apparently wears a single apron-skirt. His hair stands in a roach into which are stuck three feathers, and he wears another above each ear. He has a long two- or three-string necklace; (6) a man, facing half-right, and to the right of the post, has his left knee raised up towards his left arm which is stretched out in front. His right hand is raised above his head and holds a gourd rattle. He is wearing a breech-clout lapped over a thong round the waist, into which is tucked a skin bag hanging over the right hip. His hair is dressed in a similar fashion to that of the other men already described, and a single feather is stuck in the roach, another appearing above each ear. He wears a long necklace, the three strands of which are joined just above his waistband to form an ornament; (7) a man facing half-right to the left of the top post, is balanced on his right leg, with his left leg raised and fully flexed, and his right arm bent and raised above his head, his left crossing his body in front. His dress is similar to that of no. 6 as is his hair. He wears, apparently, a two-strand necklace from which hangs a round ornament; (8) a man to the right of the topmost post, facing half-left, is balanced on the left foot and his right leg is stretched out to the right. His right hand is hidden by the post to the left of which the top of a rattle is visible. His left arm holds out a long arrow or spear, the barbed point facing downwards, the butt missing off the top of the page. He is wearing a single apron-skirt, and his hair has a single feather sticking up from the back of his roach and another from his left ear. He appears to be wearing a necklace which hangs across his chest and under his left arm; (9) a man, to the left of the top right post, is balanced on his left foot, his right leg raised to the side and flexed. He is holding up a twig in his right hand and a rattle in his left. He wears a breech-clout giving the effect of a reddish mottled skin, lapped over a thong round the waist. There are three feathers in his roach and one above each ear, and he wears a three-strand necklace; (10) a man to the right and below the post is balanced on his right leg, his left leg bent up behind. He holds a twig above his head in his right hand, and another in his left near his side. He is wearing an apron-skirt and has four feathers stuck near the front of his roach. He wears a long three-strand necklace; (11) a woman, to the right of the right-hand post, is facing left and is balanced on her left leg with the right raised behind. With her right hand she holds up a rattle to her chin, while her left arm is bent, the hand resting on her hip. She is wearing a fringed skin dress or mantle, hanging from the shoulders, ornamented with beads or pearls around the bottom and the neck line (and extending down in strings on to the chest), which is secured at both shoulders, leaving her arms bare and reaching below her knees. Her hair is worn long, fringed in front and caught up at the back. She has tattooed or painted ornaments on the upper arms, and the suggestion of a bracelet on her left wrist; (12) a man below, and to the right of the post, is balanced on his right leg, his left leg drawn up behind. He is brandishing in his right hand a long arrow showing both a barbed point, and holds up a gourd rattle in his left hand. He wears only a waistband into which a skin bag is tucked on the left side and, apparently, a twig stuck into it on the right. His hairstyle is indeterminate. He appears to have one long feather sticking from the middle of his head and one above each ear; (13) a man, viewed from behind, his head turned left, in profile, is balancing on his left foot with his right foot raised. His right hand is held close behind his back, grasping an upright twig, and in his left hand is a rattle partly hidden by his left thigh. He is wearing only a thong round his waist, through which is tucked a skin bag hanging down on his left hip. His hair is smooth at the sides and is caught up in a knot at the back of the neck. He has a high roach from which two feathers stick up in front and one behind. He appears to be wearing a large ear ornament but its form cannot be clearly distinguished. On his right shoulder-blade is a design representing two arrows pointing downwards, and there is a painted or tattooed ornament on his left wrist; (14) a woman, viewed from the back, is standing to the left of the lower right-hand post with her head facing left. In her right hand she holds a twig upright, while her left reaches out to clasp that of no. I, as described above. She is unclothed except for a waistband through which are stuck a number of long twigs reaching from her knees to above her head. Her hair has a fringe in front and hangs down loosely to her neck. She appears to have a small bracelet on her left wrist. A tattooed or painted ornament can be faintly distinguished on her left upper arm and perhaps on her right wrist; (15) in the middle of the circle a woman, viewed from the back, is seen standing, balanced on the balls of her feet. Her head is turned half-left and her arms are clasped round the necks of two other women (16 and 17). She is wearing a single apron-skirt tied at the back round the waist, leaving her buttocks bare. Her hair hangs down loosely on her neck; (16) a woman, turned to the right, is seen to the left of no. 15 . Her left foot is on the ground and she is balancing on the ball of her right foot which is extended behind her. One arm rests on the left shoulder of no. 15, the other is not visible. She appears to be wearing a single apron-skirt, or possibly a mantle (like that of no. 1). A tattooed or painted ornament can perhaps be distinguished on her right forearm; (I7) a woman, turned to the left, her face half-front, is seen on the right of no. 15. Her right foot is on the ground and she is balancing on her left foot. Her left arm is closely clasped round the waist of no. 15 (and her right may be linked to no. 16). She appears to be wearing a single apron-skirt, but, again, it may be a mantle. Her hair is smooth and is apparently caught up at the back of her neck, leaving a large wisp hanging down. She is perhaps wearing an ear ornament, and possibly has a headband. The inner circle is about 16 feet in diameter. In the center of the ring a small circle, about 3 feet across, has been made (or worn) on the ground.

John White (c 1540-1593) was an English artist & early pioneer of English efforts to settle North America. He was among those who sailed with Richard Grenville to the shore of present-day North Carolina in 1585, acting as artist & mapmaker to the expedition. During his time at Roanoke Island he made a number of watercolor sketches of the surrounding landscape & the native Algonkin peoples. White had been commissioned to "draw to life" the inhabitants of the New World & their surroundings.  During White's time at Roanoke Island, he completed numerous watercolor drawings of the surrounding landscape & native peoples. These works are significant as they are the most informative illustrations of a Native American society of the Eastern seaboard.  They represent the sole-surviving visual record of the native inhabitants of America encountered by England's first settlers.