Monday, August 13, 2018

The Great Treaty of 1722 Between Native American Tribes & the Colonies of New York, Virginia, & Pennsylvania.

The Iroquoian Confederacy was first founded c1550, prior to major European contact,  and initially consisted of five tribes: the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga and Seneca tribes, which were known as the Five Nations. The Tuscarora tribe joined the Confederacy in 1722, as non-voting members of the league, and the collective tribes became known as the Six Nations.
Iroquois Village 1664

The Great Treaty of 1722 Between the Five Nations, the Mahicans, & the Colonies of New York, Virginia, & Pennsylvania.

Conference between Governor Burnet & the Indians.

Propositions made by His Excellency William Burnet Esqr Captain General & Governor in Chief of the Provinces of New York, New Jerseys & Territories thereon depending in America & Vice Admiral of the same &c to the five Nations to wit the Mohogs, Oneydes Onondages, Cayauges & Sinnekees in Albany 27 day of August 1722

PRESENT — His Excellency William Burnet Esqre Captn General & Govr in Cheif &c Of His Matys Council of ye Province of New York
Rip Van Dam, James Alexander, John Barbary, Lewis Morris. Cadwallader Colden
Commissioners of the Indian Affairs
Col Pr Schuijler, John Collins, Johannes Cuyler, Ph: Livingstone, Pr V Brugh, Johs Wendel, Evert Banker, Johs Becker
Interpreted by Lawrence Claese being first translated into Dutch by Robert Livingstone

Brethren
Our last meeting ended with so happy an Agreement & such firm assurances & hearty resolutions on both sides, that if they are faithfully observd we shall always meet with joyful countenances

You then promised me solemnly not to have any correspondence with the French, but to depend entirely on the English & cleave close to them

That you would keep the Path open for the Farr Indians to come to trade with this Province

That you would never molest Virginia nor any other of the Kings Provinces for the future & that you allowed it was in vain to promise any thing unless you resolve to perform [it]

I begin therefore by demanding of you a solemn assurance that you will continue firm to what you then engaged, that you will inform me truly of your principal late Transactions & designs & advice with me upon them so that I may be convinced that you have an entire confidence in me & observe an exact Sincerity in your whole Conduct towards me which will be the strongest Tyes of a lasting Friendship between us — Give a Belt of Wampum

I must now particularly thank the Brethren, for their refusing to go out a fighting in Company with some French Indians, who invited them lately to it, this a very promising token of your good disposition, & makes me hope that you will satisfie me that the preparations you are making for going out to War are not contrary to your Promise made last year, give a Belt of Wampum

Because the renewing the Covenant Chain with you in the name of my great & good Master ye King of Great Britain & your loving Father in the behalf of all His Matys Provinces in North America, is the most solemn Act which we have together, I think it proper that it may be first diligently searched that there may be no spots or stains left upon it

For that Purpose I have first desired the Brethren to let me know how clean it has been kept with regard to this Province, & to the same end the Governors of Virginia & Pensilvania are come hither at the desire of the Brethren & with the advice & consent of this Government to treat of some matters on the behalf of their Provinces that may remove all spotts that may remain on the Covenant Chain with Relation to them & as they are one nation & under the same King with us I doubt not but the Brethren will hear them with great attention & answer them with that regard which is their due & when these particular Points are firmly settled, the General Covenant Chain will then be made so clean & bright that I shall then be able to renew it with the greatest Satisfaction & with a Strong confidence that it will shine with new Lustre as long as the sun & moon shall endure

A True Copy, examined, Pr PH LIVINGSTON, Secy, for the Indian Affairs

Answer made by the five Nations of Indians viz. the Maquase, Oneydes, Onnondages, Cayouges & Sinnekees to His Excellcy William Burnet Esqre Capn General & Governor in Cheif of the Provinces of New York, New Jerseys, & Territories thereon depending in America & Viceadmiral of ye same in Albany ye first day of Septr 1722

PRESENT — His Excellcy William Burnet Esqre Captn Genl & Govr in Cheif &c
Of His Majestys Council
Rip Van Dam, James Alexander, John Barbery Coll Lewis Morris Jr, Dr Colden,
Commissioners of Indian Affairs
Peter Van Brugh, Philip Livingston, Johannes Cuyler, Johs Wendel, Evert Banker.
Interpreted by Lawrence Claese into Dutch & rendred into English by Robt Livingston

Brother Corlaer
You made Propositions to us some days ago, which we are now some to answer, but since divers of our Sachims are not yet arrived, we shall not be able to answer so well as if those wise men were present with us & that we had consulted with them so that we hope your Excellcy will excuse us if we answer not so fully & distinctly as otherwise we would if we had their assistance

Brother Corlaer
You told us that we in our last conference about a year ago had renewed the Covenant Chain & was desirous to know how the same has been kept by us in respect to this Province, it is so lately since that was done that the Sun is scarcely gone down since so that the Renovation is fresh in our Memory & we can assure you that we have kept the Covenant Chain inviolable on our Parts according to our Promise & engage to continue to do the same faithfully

It is now a year ago since you forbid us to have any correspondence with the French but to cleave to the English & we did then promise to obey your commands in that matter as we have actually done & do further promise solemnly that [henceforth] we will not correspond with the French of Canada but adhere & cleave strongly to the English

You told us the same time that we should give a free Passage to the Far Indians to come to this Place to Trade which we have done & give them all the encouragement & assistance that lays in our Power, & not only so but sent Agents to those Far Indians who trade with the French to invite them to come here to Albany, but our Agents are not yet returned & as soon as they come back shall give your Excellency an account of their answer

Brother Corlaer
We have told you that we have not only permitted ye Farr Indians to come through our Country to trade in this Town but sent our agents thither to invite them & required them to tell the Far Indians that they should have goods very cheap. We therefore desire that the Traders may be ordered to let the Far Indians have good Penny worths, rather cheaper than we of the 5 Nations have it ourselves, which will be the only means to draw them & to induce them to come hither

Brother Corlaer
You did last year likewise charge & command us not to go a fighting towards Virginia, not to pass over the great River of Patawmack, nor the Ridge of High Mountains that surround Virginia we have observed your commands to the best of our knowledge in that Particular Some of our People have been out a Warring against the Flatheads which of old have been our enemies, but they live to the Westward & Southward of Virginia & have not passed the Ridge of the Mountains nor the said River, we remember you also told us then, that it was in vain to make any promise, except we resolved firmly to keep it, which we have punctually done in this affair hitherto

Brother Corlaer
You likewise told us that if any matter of moment happened among us, that we should acquaint you therewith & take your advice which would be a sure token to show that we put our Trust & confidence in you which would be the strongest Tyes of a lasting Friendship between us, which we will do sincerely & truly & repeat to your Excellcy again that we will communicate to you all the Principal late Transactions & matters of consequence that we are privy to both good & bad & thereupon gave a Belt of Wampum

Brother Corlaer
We take notice that you thanked us for not suffering any of our Indians to go a Warring with the French Indians of Canada, we resolve to do the same for the future & disuade any of our People to join with the French Indians to go to War, & if any of the French Indians should happen to come through our Country to go a warring we will endeavor to stop them, bnt if they cannot be persuaded then we will warn them not to go over the Great Ridge of Mountains that surround Virginia, nor to pass over the Great River called Potowmack

Brother Corlaer
You say that you are informed that there was a warlike Preparation making among the Five Nations which we acknowledge to be true but we know not as yet ourselves where they intend to go. Two years ago Two Tuskarores brought a Belt of Wampum from the Governor of Virginia (as they said) & thereby in the name of the Governor of Virginia desired the five Nations to make War & destroy the Tadirighrones, [1] but being informed that the Governor of Virginia was to be at Albany we deferred any resolution about that affair, till we had spoken with him ourselves

Here they stopped, being late & growing dark desired that they may make their further answer on Munday which was agreed to but it happened to rain all Munday so that they did not meet together till Tuesday the 4th of September 1722, when the Sachims of the Five Nations proceeded to make their answer & said

Brother Corlaer
You have told us since our last conference on Saturday that you was informed some of our Sachims had been at Canada & treated with the Governor there, true it is that some of those Sachims yt are now dayly expected with the Blawbek Cheif Sachim of ye Sinnekees have been there & we will discover to you the contents of their conference which they had with the Governor of Canada as soon as they arrive

We inform you also that 3 companies of our People are gone out to fight against the Flatheads that have been our enemies of a long time there are also two French Indians that live at Cadarachqui that went out a fighting 2 years ago towards Virginia by the way of Cayouge, & have their abode among the Tuskarores that live near Virginia & go backwards & Forwards

Brother Corlaer
We will now tell you the Resolution & Opinion of ye 5 Nations that although diverse have endeavored to raise jealousies & evil Reports among us, & so perswade us to have a bad opinion of our Brethren the English yet we never would give ear nor hearken to them but have had from the first making of the Covenant Chain a firm Resolution to keep the same inviolable & we are resolved to persist in that Resolution always

Brother Corlaer
You have sent for us Sachims of the five nations to come here & told us that the Governors of Virginia & Pensilvania would be at Albany for which Message we are thankful & in your Propositions you acquaint us that they are come to treat of matters of Publick concern relating
1. Called by the English, sometimes Catawbas, ante, 491; sometimes Saponies, post, p. 673; also Pennsylvania Colonial Records, III, 210. — ED. [back]

to Peace & Concord, we are come for the same purpose & have the same Intentions & put away all evil things & embrace that which is good & amicable did give Belt of Wampum

Brother Corlaer
We desire you not to be impatient because of the long stay of some of the Principal of the Sachims of the five Nations, which we hourly expect, but to be easy they are your bosom friend & we would fain have them here present before we give our final answer because the matters are of importance & we would gladly have their advice & Council do give 3 Skins

As we have earnestly desired your Excellcy to have a little Patience so we beg the Honorable Coll: Alex. Spotswood, Governor of Virginia & the Hônble Sr William Keith Bart Governor of Pensilvania that they would be pleased to be easy & patient likewise, till these Cheif Sachims arrive being well assured that they will be extreamly glad to see you & the said two Governors. Gave 3 Skins to each of the Governors of Virginia & Pensilvania

His Excellency told them he had staid a long time for them & desired to know if they had any advice whereabouts they were, who answered that they had certain advice that five days ago the Blawbeck & his Company arrived at Oneyde

His Excellency ordered them to send an express immediately for them, since his affairs required him to be at New York & could not stay above 3 or 4 days more which the Sachims did accordingly

A True Copy, examined Pr PH: LIVINGSTON Secfor Indian Affairs

Propositions made to the River Indians as well the Skaghhook Indians as those that live below Albany by His Excellcy William Burnet Esqre Captn Genl & commander in cheif &c in Albany the 30th day of Augt 1722

PRESENT — His Excellency William Burnet Esqr Capn General & Govr in Cheif &c

Of His Majestys Council
Rip Van Dam, Dr Colden, John Barberie, James Alexander, Coll Morris Junr
Commissioners of Indian Affairs
Coll Schuyler, John Collins, Petr Van Brugh Mayr, Phillip Livingston, Johs Cuyler, Johs Bleecker,
Evert Banker
Interpreted by Johannes Kickerbacker

Children
As often as we come to see ye Frontiers, & to treat with the Indians, I send for my children the Mahikanders to assure them of my fatherly care & affection & I am glad to have this opportunity of renewing the ancient Covenant Chain which I do in a solemn manner in the name of the Great King my Master in the behalf of all His Subjects of North America, Which

Chain of Friendship I am informed by the Inhabitants of this Place has been kept inviolable by your Ancestors from the first time that Christians settled here in this River & since you have always been obedient children & observed the commands of my Predecessors & been protected by this Government, I do assure you of the same Protection of the Great King, so long as you prove obedient children, which I do not in the least doubt, since you will always find it to be your Interest & Advantage

I need not tell you how destructive your Intemperence has proved & how much your people are diminishd by your excessive drinking of Rum the Women as well as the men being guilty of being often drunck, let me advise you to be more sober for the future, & not to spend what you get by Hunting on strong drink, but lay it out on clothing & other necessaries for your support & above all not squander your Indian Corn for Rum which you ought to keep for your subsistence all the year

I shall conclude by telling you as long as you keep firm to your duty at all times to come, as you have in times past, you may rest assured not only of Protection but of all other good offices in the Power of those that are in Authority under the King our common Father & Protector, give a Belt

As soon as you have made your answer I will make you a Present of such things as are of use to you

Answer of the Mahikanders or River Indians to His Excellcy William Burnet Esqre Captn Genl & Governor in Cheif of New York New Jersey &c in Albany ye 31st Aug 1722

PRESENT — His Excellency William Burnet Esqre Captn Genl & Governor in Cheif &c

Of His Majestys Council
Rip Van Dam, Dr Colden, John Barberie, James Alexander, Coll Morris Jr,
Commissioners of the Indian Affairs
Peter Van Brugh Mayr, John Collins, John Cuyler, Phillip Livingston, Evert Banker, Johs Bleecker
Interpreted by Johannes Knickerbacker in Dutch & rendered into English by Rt Livingston

Father
We are glad to see our in Health & that he is come to see us. We are come pursuant to your commands to hear what you are pleased to require of us, we rejoice to hear that the Great King of Great Britain both think of us & remember such a mean people as we are to renew the Covenant Chain with us

We are come now to renew the Covenant Chain that has been of old between the Christians of this Government & us, At first it was a Tye with our hands joined together, but afterwards we were joined by a Covenant Chain which we now brighten & make clear & clean, so yt it can never be broken, Give a Belt of Wampum

We now renewed & brightend the Covenant Chain, but since a Chain is apt to rust, if it be not oiled or greased we will grease it with Beavers grease or Fatt yt the smell thereof will endure for a whole year do give 2 Beaver Skins

Father
We look upon you as a great Tree under whose Branches we desire to shelter, & if there should happen any sudden Tempest or Thunder Shower we hope we shall be admitted to take shelter under yt great Tree & be shadowed by the leaves thereof, that no drops may fall on us but yt we may live in Peace & safety, Give a Belt of Wampum

We take you as a loving & tender Father & beg leave to inform you that some of our people that have been out a hunting to ye Eastward have been taken Prisoners by ye English of New England, but since his Excellency our Fathers arrival here, we have recd intelligence that they are released. We know not whether that account be true but hope & wish it may be so, Gave 3 Beavers

Father
As you have been an affectionate & loving Father to us your Children, so we hope if any mischeif should befall us, you will resent it & protect your children, & not suffer them to be injured we will not be rash to attempt any thing or too credulous to beleive any stories but first acquaint your Excellcy our father & follow your advice & obey your orders Give 3 Beavers

Father
We are sensible that you are much in the right, that Rum does a great deal of Harm, we approve of all that you said on that Point, but the matter is this, When our people come from Hunting to the Town or Plantations & acquaint the Traders & People that we want Powder & Shot & Clothing, they first give us a large cup of Rum, & after we get the Taste of it crave for more so that in fine all the Beaver & Peltry we have hunted goes for drink, & we are left destitute either of Clothing or Ammunition, Therefore we desire our father to order the Tap or Crane to be shut & to prohibit ye selling of Rum, for as long as the Christians will sell Rum, our People will drink it, do give 3 Beavers

Father
We acknowledge that our Father is very much in the right to tell us that we squander away our Indian Corn which should subsist our Wives & Children but one great cause of it is yt many of our People are obliged to hire Land of the Christians at a very dear Rate, to give half the Corn for Rent & the other half they are tempted by Rum to sell, & so the Corn goes, yt ye Poor women & children are left to shift as well as the can do give 3 Beavers

Father
We have no more Land the Christians when they buy a small spot of Land of us, ask us if we have no more Land & when we say yes they enquire the name of the Land & take in a greater Bounds than was intended to be sold them & the Indians not understanding what is writ in the Deed or Bill of Sale sign it & are so deprived of Part of their Lands — Give 3 Beavers

Father
In former days when the Christians came to settle this Country they came with a ship & desired to fasten their Cable to the Hills near Hosak above Albany, which we readily granted & ever since we have lived in Friendship & Amity together, which we hope will continue so long as Sun & Moon endure Gave 3 Beavers

His Excellency told the River Indians that he was well satisfied with their renewing the Covenant Chain & charged them to keep it inviolable to all the Subjects in North America & assured them if they behaved themselves well & did no injuries to the Christians, they needed not fear any harm done to them & if they suffered any Damage by any private Person they should complain & justice should be done to them as well as to the Christians

The Governor sees that they look better & are better cloathed than the other Indians that do not live among the Christians & therefore that they do well to stay among them He beleives they live better since the Christians bought & improved their Lands than they did before for then the Land lay waste & unimproved. His Excellency orderd them to divide the Presents that shall now be given them One half for the Indians that live above Albany & the other half for those that live below Albany

A true Copy, examind Pr PHILIP LIVINGSTON, Secy for the Indian Affairs

Further Propositions of His Excellcy William Burnet Esqre Captn Genll & Governor in Cheif of the Province of New York &c to the 5 Nations of Indians, viz The Mohogs, Oneydes, Onnondages Cayouges & Sinnekees in Albany the 13 day of September 1722

PRESENT — His Excellency William Burnet Esqre Captn General & Govr in Cheif &c
The Honble Coll Alexander Spotswood Governor of Virginia
The Honble Sir William Keith Governor of Pensylvania

Of His Majestys Council
Rip Van Dam, , John Barberie, Cadwallader Colden

Commissioners of the Indian Affairs
Petr Schuyler, Evert Bancker, Hendr Hanse, Ph: Livingston, Johs Cuyler, John Collins, Pr Van Brugh,
Johs Blecker

Brethren
The hearty concurrance with which you have received what I lately proposed to you in the behalf of this Province as well as the Propositions made to you by the Governors of Virginia & Pensilvania has given us all so entire satisfaction, that we now appear together in the name of all the British Colonies, to shew you that as we are all subjects of the Great & Good King George, so we have all one heart & one mind, & that we are all jointly concerned in every thing that relates to one anothers security & happiness

This brotherly love it is that is the peculiar distinguishing mark by which Men may know us to be Christians & by many expressions from you of the same strain I am inclined to hope you will deserve that honorable name, if you act up to your Promises, but since you have acknowledged that there is a God who will judge us accordg to our Actions remember that he will punish us severely if we say one thing & do the contrary, & that not only in another life but in this we may expect that they who break their Faith will have the Frowns of Heaven upon them & they who keep it shall prosper & flourish & now since all Stains are entirely wiped off from the Covenant Chain & that you have resolved to be sincere for the time to come which is the only way to keep it bright & clean in conjunction with these Governors I do now solemnly renew it with you in the name of all his Matys Provinces in North America, Give a Belt

Brethren
Since you tell me that you are determined to cleave close to all the English I doubt not of your being thoroughly incensed against the Eastern Indians who have lately attacked your Brethren under the Government of Boston & contrary to all their repeated [and] solemn Treaties & Engagements & their frequent submission to that Government have lately destroyed several of their Eastern Settlements, by taking their vessels, burning their Houses Killing their Cattle & cruelly murdering several of ye Inhabitants which Insults were grown so intolerable, that that Government has at last been obliged to declare Warr against them as Traitors & Rebells

The Governor of Boston did some time ago acquaint me with the Injuries they had received from those Indians & then sent Commissioners with a noble Present which is still in this Town to inform you of it & desire you to interpose your good advice with those Indians in order to prevent a War. But as there was then no War actually declared, it was hoped that it would not come to that height as to require your interposing, & it was thought necessary that I should meet you first myself & know your intentions before any proposalls of that kind should be made to you & now that I find by conferences with some of you that you have no Engagements with those Indians & that you resent the outrage done to your Brethren the Christians as you ought to do, & since a War is now actually declard I think it necessary that without waiting for Commissioners from Boston, or any other delay you send a few Deputys from the 5 Nations to the Eastern Nations to let them know that you have heard with indignation how perfidiously they have treated your Brethren ye English & that you require them forthwith to beg a cessation of arms of the Government of Boston in order to treat of a Peace which will be the only way for them to avoid the Anger & resentment of ye five Nations who cannot look on unconcerned when their Brethren the English receive such barbarous Treatment, & because there is now war between them I have thought it the securest way for you to go by the way of Boston with a Christian to accompany you who shall carry a letter from me to the Governor of Boston & have a Passport to shew upon the road thither The Governor of Boston will then send a party to conduct you safely to the Eastern Indians by which means you will be secure from any ill accident either through Malice or Mistake throughout your whole journey, And I do engage for that Government that they will give a handsome reward to the Messengers besides a noble Present to the 5 Nations when the Service is effected gave a Belt

Brethren
We have made a new Law severer than that which was made last year to put an effectual Stop to the Trade from Canada for Indian Goods If any Indian can discover such Goods carrying to Canada he may seize & bring them to the Commissioners & if he can inform who is the owner of them, that Owner may by this last Law be obliged to discover the truth himself, & then the Indian will be entituled to receive one Hundred Pounds besides the goods — so that there is sufficient encouragement to you to stop that Path yourselves as far as relates to Indian Goods which is all that is prejudicial to you in the Canada Trade

I have for your further Encouragement & to carry on the Trade with the Farr Indians through your Country despatched Major Abraham Schuyler [1] your old Friend to reside in the Sinnekees Country whom I dont doubt you will embrace as a brother & receive him in all your counsels especially when any French come among you that he may be ready to detect any false reports which they would endeavor to infuse into your people

I do not insist on your telling me particularly who have been in Canada contrary to your promises last year, but I am willing to draw a cover over your Past faults of every sort But if for the future any of your people go to Canada I will not look on those offenders any more as Brethren & I forbid them possitively to come hither for I hate to see any such double hearted Persons, & I expect that they never have any share of my presents but if the will be Frenchmen, let them go & be French men entirely, for they will but deceive & corrupt the good Brethren of the 5 Nations, by living with them & now before I part with you I must observe the ill consequence of bringing such a number of your young people hither whom you acknowledge that you cannot govern & who do great injuries to the Inhabitants, which has occasioned quarrels & mischeif, & obliges me to order some soldiers to walk round the Town, to hinder any injury to be committed by the Indians on the Inhabitants or by the Inhabitants on the Indians & that nothing like these desorders may happen for the future I do positively command you not to bring above 60 or 70 persons in all including Sachims Warriors young men & women when I send for you to meet at this Place I shall then be able to provide you plentifully with Provisions & such young people may be found to come along with you for whose good behaviour you may answer & upon this I give a Belt

This has been is great & solemn meeting & I hope it will never be forgott & that the Covenant Chain will now endure as long as the Rocks & mountains to which it is fastened

I now lay down my present that you may have no further occasion to keep your young men whom I will not permitt to stay longer here since they were guilty of such insolent Practises last night & herewith command them to begin their march directly out of Town that no further disorder may happen & I expect you will send some of your wise men with them, leaving a sufficient number to answer me

A true Copy Examd Pr PHILIP LIVINGSTON Secy for the Indian Affairs

The Second Answer of the five Nations of Indians viz the Maquase, Oneydes, Onnondagues Cayouges & Sinnekees, to His Excellency William Burnet Esqr Capn General & Governor in Cheif of the Provinces of New York New Jerseys & Territories thereon depending in America & Vice Admiral of the same in Albany the 14th Septr 1722

PRESENT — His Excellcy William Burnet Esqre Captn General & Governor in Cheif &c
The Hônble Coll Alexander Spotswood Governor of Virginia, The Hônble Sr William Keith Bart Governor of Pensilvania

Of His Majesty's Council
Rip Van Dam, John Barbery, Dr Colden

Commissioners of the Indian Affairs Coll Peter Schuyler, Evert Banker, Peter Van Brugh, John Collins, Johs Cuyler, Johs Bleeker, Hend Hanse, Ph Livingston

Interpreted by Lawrence Claese into Dutch & rendered into English by Robt Livingston

Brother Corlaer
You have made Proposals to us yesterday which we will now answer as well as we are able you told us that this has been a great & solemn meeting, which we own having been made with Your Exellcy the Governors of Virginia & Pensilvania & we acknowledge that if these Treaties now concluded, be well observed by both parties it will be a great Happiness to our children & Childrens Children as for our parts we are resolved to keep & maintain whatever has been concluded now, & stipulated between us all & shall imprint it on our Posterity to be by them kept inviolable for ever

Brother Corlaer
We will answer the Principal Heads of your Propositions made to us yesterday you renewed the Covenant Chain in Conjunction with the two other Governors of Virginia & Pensilvania, in ye behalf of all the English Colonies of North America all which we do in like manner in the behalf of the five Nations & do resolve to keep & maintain the same for ever & if there be any spots or Stains thereon or any Rust come upon it [we do now wipe off the same & brighten it that] it may be clear & lasting to all future ages

Brother Corlaer
When the Christians first came to this Country our Ancestors fastened the ship that brought them behind a Great Mountain with a Chain in order to secure the same which mountain lyes behind the Sinnekees Country, so that the one end of the Chain, being fastened there & the other end at ye Ship, if any body would steal away & molest this ship the chain will jingle & make a noise & so alarm all the 5 Nations who are bound to defend this ship & this is the foundation & original of the Covenant Chain among the 5 Nations, which our ancestors made, which was to preserve this ship from any harm gave a Belt of Wampum

Brother Corlaer
You acquainted us yesterday how villanously & barbarously the Eastern Indians had fallen upon our Brethren the English of New England & murdered ye people for which we are much concerned & sorrowfull & according as you require in your Proposition we have pitchd upon an Indian of each nation to go to Boston & so to be conducted to the Eastward & acquaint those Indians with what indignation we heard of their base Treatment of our Brethren & command them to beg peace of the English of New England & since we have not a Belt to give in return for that Belt you gave us upon this Proposition, we intend to make use of that Belt you gave us yesterday to the Eastern Indians when we communicate to them our Intentions that we can not look unconcerned when our Brethren of New England receive such barbarous Treatment

Brother Corlaer
You told us yesterday that we were not to go to Canada or have any correspondence with them, but those that would go thither, they might stay there for altogether, & not return to deceive & corrupt the 5 Nations, but we remember it has been recommended to us formerly to have Peace & amity with all People, even the farr Indians that are in Friendship with the French & to draw them to come & Trade in this Government & accordingly we have followed that advice & the French being in Alliance with the English & in Peace we hope it may not be of any ill consequence if at any time some of our People went thither to retain that good understanding yt is among us. As long as none goes thither to betray their country nor their Allies, since it is Common & the Practice every where when Nations are in Peace & Amity with one another to go & visit each other for if we should wholly refrain from going thither, would it not be of bad consequence to us some time or other therefore we hope it will not be ill taken if sometimes some of our People should go thither

Brother Corlaer
As to your Excellency's Proposals yesterday relating to the severe Law made prohibiting the sending Indian goods to Canada, & what encouragement is given to any person whatever who should discover the same, in answer to which we say, that we will not concern ourselves any ways in yt affair. We are peaceable People & inclined to Peace & if we should intermeddle in any such matter, we should but create ourselves a great many enemies & therefore desire to be excused

As to the Proposition relating to our People coming in such great numbers here, when any publick affairs are to be transacted, we own it is of bad consequence, as we find by experience, by mischeif done by our ungovernable young men, both in Town & Country & therefore we accept very kindly & approve of what you propose of sending no more in the whole but 60 or 70 Persons or such a number as the Messenger shall acquaint us withall, when he comes to call down the 5 Nations to treat here at Albany & thereupon gave a Belt of Wampum

Lastly say Brother Corlaer
We have told you at large the first settlement of the Christians here & how at first we traded together & afterwards made the Covenant Chain & how cheap we had goods at first & how much dearer we pay for the same sort of Goods now & moreover that the Powder is not only dear but bad yt we cannot kill the Peltry with [it] which is the Christians Dammage as well as ours — We have heard that our Great King George is a very good Man & our friend & sends

that which is good but we are afraid that our Brethren the Christians that live here do abuse us when they Trade with us, hope there may be some method found out to prevent it

His Excellency the Governor made them a short Answer viz

Brethren
There is occasion to answer some things that you have said to me tho' the most Part is what I like very well

The reason why I have advised you against trading with the French is because they cheat you always & take advantages in time of Peace in order to weaken you by advising you to warr against the English Indians, that when a war breaks out you may be an easy prey to them

It is the Handlers or Traders that furnish you with Goods, & if they give you too little the Government can't help it, but you know that the French are still harder upon you, & sell goods much dearer & if you don't stop the Path to Canada as I advised you it is your own faults that Goods are not cheaper for if that Trade be stopped there will be more goods to be sold to you & at more reasonable Rates

I insist upon it that those who go to Canada do not come hither or receive any part of my Presents to you for ye future

Conference between Governor Spotswood & the Five Nations.

Propositions made to the Five Nations of Indians to wit the Maquase, Oneydes, Onnondages Cayouges & Sinnekees, by His Excellcy Alex: Spotswood Esqre Governor of His Matys Dominion of Virginia in Albany ye 29 Aug 1722

PRESENT — His Excellcy Alex: Spotswood Esqre Governor of Virginia
Coll Nathaniel Harrison Esqre of His Majestys Council of Virginia
Coll William Robinson Esqre a Member of the House of Burgesses of Virginia

Interpreted by Lawrence Claese after it was translated into Dutch by Robt Livingston

Sachims & Warriors of ye 5 Nations

You often say that your Covenant Chain with Virginia is grown rusty, & have urged of late years, that some Commissioners from that Colony should be sent to this Place to brighten the same

This is an old Story which the People of Virginia remember to have been continually rung in their ears & are sensible that none of the many Treaties which they have made for near fifty years past have ever been long observed on the Part of the 5 Nations Wherefore I am now come hither as Governor of Virginia accompanied by some members of that Government in order to try if our Covenant Chain cannot be so polished as never more to grow rusty & to endeavor at establishing an everlasting Peace between your People & ours comprehending not only the Christian Inhabitants of Virginia but also the several Nations of Indians belonging to & subject to that Government & according to the custom of this Place, I signify to you this Proposition by giving 2 Belts of Wampum, ye one for the Government of Virginia & the other for all its tributary Indians

Nothing but your assuredly promising (as you did here last year to your Governor) that you would agree to the Preliminary Articles offered by Virginia could have perswaded that Government to send hither to treat with you & therefore before I enter upon any other matter, I expect you to ratify & confirm that principle article which you have declared that you will faithfully observe If I take care that our Indians perform the same on their Part Viz "That the great River of Potowmak & the High Ridge of Mountains which extend all along the Frontiers of Virginia to the Westward of the present Settlements of that Colony shall be for ever the established Boundaries between the Indians subject to the Dominion of Virginia & the Indians belonging to & depending on the 5 Nations: So that neither our Indians shall on any pretence whatsoever pass to the Northward or Westward of the said Boundaries without having to produce a Passport, under the Hand & Seal of the Governor or Commandr in Cheif of Virginia nor your Indians pass to the Southward or Eastward of the said Boundaries without a Passport in like Manner from the Governor or Commander in Cheif of New York"

Now not only our Indians have given us solemn assurances of their keeping within the prescribed Limits but we have also by this act of Assembly taken such measures for their due performance of the same that the Government of Virginia undertakes & engages for their nations in this Particular, so that nothing remains but that the 5 Nations ratifie & confirm the said Article, which I expect should be done in a Solemn manner not only by their Sachims but also by all their Warriors here present & for that purpose I offer you this fine Coronet as a singular Token to be held up in the Presence of all who are upon this occasion assembled, by that Person whom you shall appoint to declare the General Assent of the 5 Nations to this Proposition & let all your People Present at the same time give a shout to be taken as a Signal Testimony of their Concurrence besides I will have it signed by your Sachims & myself before I will either propose or present you with any thing further on the part of Virginia

A True Copy examined Pr P: LIVINGSTON Secretary for the Indian affairs

Answer of the five Nations of Indians viz the Maquase Oneydes, Onnondages, Cayouges & Sinnekes to His Excellcy Alexr Spotswood Governor of His Matys Dominion of Virginia, in Albany ye 6th day of Septr 1722

PRESENT — His Excellency Alexander Spotswood Esqr Governor of Virginia, Coll: Nathaniel Harrison a Member of His Maty's Council of Virginia, Coll William Robinson a Member of the House of Burgesses of Virginia

Interpreted by Lawrence Claese into ye Dutch language & rendered into English by Robert Livingston

BROTHER ASSARIGOE the name of the Governors of Virginia, which signifys a Simeter or Cutlas which was given to the Lord Howard, anno 1684. from the dutch word Hower, a Cutlas

We the Sachims of the five Nations, The Mohogs, Oneydes, Onnondages Cayouges & Sinnekees, together with the Tuscarores are come here upon His Excellcy the Governor of New Yorks message

We have heard the Proposition of the Governor of Virginia with great attention & considered it very maturely, but before we answer we must impart what our ancestors have done with respect to this Government

When the Christians first came here, they came in a great ship, & we were glad of their coming & fastened the Ship behind a great Tree & our business then was trading & Merchandize

And considering the benefit thereof & that the Tree to which the Ship was fastnd might rot, & so let the Ship go we carried the Anchor behind a great Mountain, that so we might keep it forever, & it was we that desired the Christians to come to settle among us & not they

The third thing that was done by the Christians & our Ancestors, after they understood one an other was to enter into a Covenant of Friendship which they called the Covenant Chain & to the best of our Knowledge that Covenant has been kept by both parties from that time to this, And both our Ancestors were so prudent that they stipulated & agreed that if any bad accidents or mischeif should happen on either side it should be forgot & forgiven & not make a Breach in ye Covenant Chain

Brother Assarigoe
When the neighbouring Governments of Virginia & Pensilvania & New England found how well we agreed they were glad to link their Hands in the same Covenant Chain & there were two Places Viz Albany & Onnoudague appointed to meet at & to settle a right understanding in case any mischief should happen of either side

Brother Assarigoe
We will not make any further mention of these old Stories of what Our Ancestors did but will now come to the Point & answer your Propositions & the hope if our answer should not be given with that respect & regard which is your due you will excuse us

Brother Assarigoe
You told us some days ago that the five Nations say that ye Covenant Chain which was made betwixt us, & Virginia fifty years ago is grown rusty & that we did not long keep or observe the Condition of it & you have forbid us to pass the Southside of the Great River Kahongoronton which you call Potowmack or to the East side of the great Ridge of Mountains which extend all along the Frontiers of Virginia

In the first place we agree to this Article & faithfully promise not to pass over the great River Kahongoronton which the English call Potowmack nor the great Rid[g]e of Mountains which extend along your Frontiers we are glad to find you are come here to renew the Peace as well in the behalf of the Christians as ye Indians of Virginia We wish you had brought some of ye Sachims of your Indians that they might have spoke to us face to face & have put their hands into the Covenant Chain, but since you are come here we agree to accept what you offer in their behalf in the same manner as if they were present, & tho' there is a Nation amongst you, the Toderechrones (Christian Indians [1] ) against whom we have had so inveterate an enmity, that we thought it impossible it could be extinguished, but by a total
1. Christanna Indians. New-York Council Minutes, XIII., 367.

Extirpation of them, yet since you desire it we are willing to receive them into this Peace & to forgive all that is past

It has pleased God to make you Christians & us Heathens but we hope we shall both act according to our capacities & be faithful to our respîve Promises & engagements, Some are placed in High Stations & some in low, but there is one above who rules & Governs all & will judge us according to our Actions

We hope you will observe that your Indians which you have engaged for, perform what you have promised for them That they shall not pass to the Norward of the River Kahongaronton, nor to the Westward of the Great Ridge of Mountains & as you gave us two Belts one from the Christians & the other from the Indians of Virginia so we give you two Belts one for your Christians & the other for your Indians

It is some time agoe since you made this Proposition to us & you must not take it amiss that we have not answered you before, It was a thing of great importance & fit to be well considered, & it is now agreed not only by all our Sachims, but also by all our Warriors as well those which are absent as those which are present

You have told us that we may pass the great River Kahongoronton & the Great Ridge of Mountains provided we have a Passport from the Governor of New York & we promise you again, not to pass to the Southward or Eastward of the said Boundaries without such a Passport

You told us after this you had something further to propose, relating to the General Peace which we hope you will now speak sincerely without Dissimulation

You told us you had a Coronet, which you would have held up by our speaker & that at the same time we should make a shout as a token of our consent to this Article which we are now ready to do

And we are now ready since you told us you were not satisfied with our words in this matter of consequence to sign your Propositions in the most publick manner

All which was performed accordingly & the Speaker of the Five Nations holding up the Coronet they gave six Shouts five for the five Nations & one for a castle of Tuscarores lately seated between Oneyde & Onnondage

And a Memorandum was made under the Propositions of the Governor of Virginia importing that one the sixth day of September 1722 the Sachims & Warriors of the five Nations together with divers cheifs of the Tuscarores made their answer by Ondaghsighte a Sachim of Oneyde their Speaker Chosen for that purpose & did solemnly declare the assent of the whole 5 Nations including the Tuscarores & fully agreed to the said Propositions relating to the Peace & Boundaries & that in Testimony thereof they held up the Coronet & signed these Propositions

A True Copy Examined Pr PH: LIVINGSTON Secy for the Indian Affairs

The Further Propositions of the Governor of Virginia made to the five Nations on the 10th Septr 1723 immediately after the Indians had ended their answer to Sir William Keith Bart Governor of Pensylvania

PRESENT — His Excellcy Alexander Spotswood Esqre Governor of Virginia, Coll Nathaniel Harrison one of His Maty's Council of Virginia, Coll William Robinson a member of the House of Burgesses of Virginia

Commissioners of the Indian Affairs
Coll Peter Schuyler, Hendr Hansen, Peter Van Brugh, John Collins, Ph: Livingston

Sachims & Warriors
Since the Bounds between your Indians & ours are firmly agreed upon tis necessary now to declare the names of the several Nations of Indians which the Government of Virginia engages for, & those are the Nottoways, Meherins, Nanemonds, [1] Pamunkeys, Chichominys, & the Christanna Indians whom you call Todirichroones that we comprehend under the name, [2] the Saponies, Ochineeches, Stenkenocks, Meipontskys & Toteroes, all the forenamed Indians having their present Settlements on the East Side of the high Ridge of Mountains & between the two Great Rivers of Potomack & Roanoke, which you call Kahongaronton & Konentcheneke & on the other hand it is fit at this time that you declare ye names of all those Indians whom you comprehend in the present Treaty & for whose Performance the five Nations will answer

And to mind you of this Proposition I lay down for our ten Nations of Indians ten Guns

I have already told you yt we have made a Law in Virginia to oblige a due performance of yt Article of the Boundaries which you have ratified & it is highly expedient that I now particularly inform you thereof

If any Indians of the aforenamed Nations belonging to Virginia or those whom you declare to be dependent on your five Nations shall hereafter transgress the said Boundaries without having the proper Passeports already mentioned every such Indian is by that Law liable to be put to death or transported & sold for a slave & as the Government of Virginia will not demand satisfaction for whatever you shall do to any of their Indians whom you shall take on the North Side of Potowmack River & on the West Side of the high Ridge of Mountains so your people must not look upon it as any Breach of the Peace & Friendship which Virginia desires to preserve with the five Nations, if that Government shall hang or transport any of your Indians who shall hereafter be taken without a proper Passport on the South Side of the said River & on the east Side of the said Ridge, And I cannot but think that the wiser sort of your People must approve of a Law that will oblige your foolish & ungovernable young men to hearken (better than they always have done) to the sage Council of the Elders & to observe more punctually a Treaty which their Sachims have thought fit to make for them & in Token of your five Nations as well as our Ten Nations of Indians being bound by this Law I give fifteen Guns & that you & your children May at all times to come truly understand what is contained in it, I have brought it hither, under the Seal of the Colony of Virginia & now lodge it in the hands of this Government
1. Nansemonda. New-York Council Minutes, XIII., 354.

2. that name. Ibid. [back]

Further Propositions of the Govr of Virginia made to the five Nations of Indians, Septr 11. 1722

Sachims & Warriors
It appears to be a method agreed upon by your five Nations to receive no proposalls, nor have any manner of Treaty with any of the English Provinces, than through the Government of New York to which you belong, wherefore Virginia expects you should observe the same Rule with Respect to that Government & that you should not at any time offer to treat with the Indians belonging to that Colony but through the Government there & if you should come to Virginia with an intent to treat with our Indians in any other manner, though you should have Passport from the Government of New York, you must expect it will be held void, & you will be treated as if you came without it & with this Proposition I give you a Belt

You sent me last year a Belt of Wampum as a Testimony of your Promise, that you would seize & carry to Virginia some Runaway Negroes, belonging to that Colony, whenever you did discover & meet with them in the woods, Now I make a general Proposition to you on account of Runnaways & Slaves belonging to Virginia viz that if any such Negroe or Slave shall hereafter fall into your hands you shall straigtway conduct them to Coll: George Masons House on Potowmack River & I do in behalf of that Colony engage that you shall there receive immediately upon the delivery of every such Runaway one good Gun & two Blankets, or the value thereof, & in Token of this Proposition & Engagement I lay down 5 Guns & 500 flints

You sent this year to demand of Virginia four Indian boys to be delivered up to you for four of your Messengers which you alledged our Indians had poisoned Whereupon I must tell you that the Government has absolutely rejected your demands & is too strong & powerful to be scared by ye threats of the five Nations into any unjust compliance & I am here ready to justify not only our Indians against this charge, but also to answer for the Colony of Virginia & give all due satisfaction if you can make it appear that the [1] people have ever broke the Covenant Chain with any of the 5 Nations

And to put you in mind of what I say on this Head I lay down five bundles of Beds [2]

On the other hand I came here to accuse the People of the five Nations of divers hostilities, Robberies & Repeated Breeches of their Treaties but since you have declared your desire that all past offences should be forgiven & forgott & have now on your part readily passed over an injury received from a Christian in Pensylvania & more especially seeing you have so fully concurred in my Propositions of the Boundaries, which if duly observed must effectually prevent all future disorders & Injuries to Virginia I shall at this Juncture forbear all particular Charges against you, except only that I must say you have so greatly wronged the person ( Captn Robert Hicks) when you killed his Negro with about seventy of his horses & plundered him of a considerable cargoe of Goods, that to shew the five nations have any sense of Justice they cannot but make him some amends & Reparation for his losses

And in Token of Virginia now burying all revenge & enmity for your past misdeeds, I lay down a Belt

Above Six hundred miles have we from Virginia come hither to treat with you nine days after the appointed time of our meeting did we wait before I could have an opportunity of speaking with you & nine days longer before you answered my first Proposition so that seeing a Treaty at Albany occasions so much trouble & expense, you must not expect that the
1. our people. New-York Council Minutes, XIIL, 356.

2. Beads. Ibid. [back]

Government of Virginia will again agree to the renewing it after this manner, in this place wherefore let not your young Warriors be possessed with the foolish expectation of provoking (by their Incursions) a Governor of Virginia to come hither again to persuade you to observe this Treaty, for be assured the people there are resolved henceforth to compell an observance thereof. And I hope your firm Intentions are to behave themselves so towards Virginia, as that we may for ever acknowledge the five Nations to be our friends & allies

And in Testimony of our Understanding this present Treaty to be made upon the footing of what I have already declared in my foregoing Propositions I shall so soon as I have recd your Answer, lay down such a considerable Token as that not only yr Sachims & Warriours but also your Women & Children bear some Remembrance of this Treaty

A true Copy Examd P. PH: LIVINGSTON Secy for ye Indian affairs

Further Answer of ye five Nations to His Excellency Alex: Spotswood Esqre Governor of Virginia. in Albany 12 Septr 1722

PRESENT — His Excellency Alex: Spotswood Esqre Governor of Virginia, Coll Nathaniel Harrison one of His Matys Council of Virginia, Coll William Robinson a Member of the assembly of Burgesses of Virginia

Commissioners of the Indian Affairs
Coll Peter Schuyler, Peter V Brugh, Hendr Hanse, Ph: Livingston, Johs Cuyler, John Collins, Johs Bleeker

Brother Assarigoe
You are come six hundred miles to treat with us & we are glad to see you You have made your Propositions to us wherein you call us Sachims & Warriors of the five Nations, & acquainted us since we had agreed not to pass the River Kahongoronton, nor the great Ridge of Mountains, that there is a Law in Virginia prohibiting us to pass that River or those Mountains under the Penalty of being transported or sold for Slaves, or put to death We do assure you we are very well satisfied with that Law & desire that those Boundaries may be for ever observed, You have also told us that you will engage for ten Nations of Indians in Virginia, that they shall not Pass to the North side of the River Kahongoronton nor to the Westward of the Great Ridge of Mountains & that if we should meet with any of them without those Boundaries, we might use them as we thought fit, without Breaking this Peace notwithstanding which we assure you if any of your Indians shall happen in our way we will not hurt them, but treat them as friends & give them victuals, so desirous we are of being at Peace with them

Brother Assarigoe
As you engaged for Ten nations so do we viz for the five Nations [and] for the Tuskarores, Conestogoes, [1] Chuanoes, [2] Ochtaghquanawicroones, [3] & Ostanghaes, [4] which live upon Susquehana
1. Iroquois at Conestoga, Lancaster county, Pa. [back]

2. Shawanese. [back]

3. Iroquois, chiefly Mohawks, settled at Ochquaqua, now Windsor, Broome county, N. Y. [back]

4. Occupying, probably, the Otstonwackin of Loskiel, Indian Missions, II., 32, near the Ostonage, which falls into the west branch of the Susquehannah, in Lycoming county, Pa., & is now called the Loyalsock creek. The locality derives its Indian name from Ostenra, a rock, which Conrad Weiser says was a prominent object, opposite that village. Collections of Historical Society of Pennsylvania, I., 8.

River you likewise told us, that we had made it a Rule not to treat with any of the Neighbouring Governments but at Albany, so you expected we should not treat with your Indians but through ye Govermt of Virginia & that tho' we should come with a Pass we must not treat separately with those Indians for ye Pass would be looked upon as void if we should We agree to this Proposition & promise that we will not at any time make any Treaty with the Virginia Indians without first acquainting the Governor therewith & hereupon we give a Belt

Brother Assarigoe
You told us yesterday that you would not sum up any of our former Misdeeds but would forgive all that is passed We acknowledge our People have been guilty of a great many bad actions & heartily thank you that you are so good as to forgive them & as to that honest man Captn Hicks we own our people did rob him of a very considerable booty & did him a great deal of Mischeif, but by an accident that befel us afterwards it happened we got very little by it for the woods being very dry by the negligence of some of our own people took fire & thereby we lost the most part of what we had taken: Nevertheless when we are able we do promise to make that poor man some reparation for his loss, but at this juncture we are not in a capacity of doing it We have now made a Peace with you & we hope it will be kept by us & our Children's Children for ever & thereupon we give a Belt

Brother Assarigoe
As to the Proposition you made relating to Negroes We promise that if any Runaway Negroes or slaves shall happen to fall into our hands we will carry them to Coll: Masons on Potowmack River for ye reward you proposed: But as to those Negroes which you said we promised last year to send home we hope you will excuse us because they lye very much out of our way & may be had more easily by other Indians Yet if we can serve Virginia in any other thing we shall be glad of an opportunity of doing it

Now Brother Assarigoe
Since we are resolved in case we should find any of your Virginia Indians on the Westside of the Great Mountains or ye North side of the River Kahongoronton not to do them any hurt, we desire that you would tell them when they make fires beyond any of those Boundaries, to lay a stone in them when they leave their quarters & we will do ye same, which will be a sign to us both yt our friends have passed

And lastly we desire that this Peace may be kept by us & our Childrens Children who will rejoice for the making & concluding thereof We have a small Present to make you & hope you will accept of it tho' it is a small one & excuse us that we are not able to give more — And then they gave some furs & Dear Skins

The Governor told them they had taken no notice of that Proposition wherein he mentioned their demand of four Indian boys to be delivered up to them for four of their Messengers which they had charged the Virginia Indians with Poisoning & desired to know whether they were satisfied that that accusation was not just — To which they answered that they were well assured it was not so that one of the Persons who went with those Indians to Virginia, was then present & they were satisfied they died natural deaths & had nothing to accuse Virginia of

The Governor thanked them for their Present, & said he did not look upon it according to its value, but accepted it as if it had been much more. He said he wished it had been greater only on account of Captain Hicks to whom he gave it as a small Satisfaction of the damage he had sustained by the five Nations. Then they wished him a good voyage whom & told him they should be glad to hear of his safe arrival

Then the Governor told them he must take particular notice of their speaker & gave him a golden Horse Shoe which he wore at his Breast & bid the Interpreter tell him there was an inscription upon [it] which signified that it would help to pass over the mountains & that when any of their People should come to Virginia with a Pass they should bring it with them

And then the Govr Gave them His Presents

A True Copy examined
Pr PH: LIVINGSTON Secy
for Indian Affairs

Conference between the Governor of Pennsylvania & the Five Nations.

Propositions made to the five Nations, viz the Maquase, Oneydes, Onnondages Cayouges & Sinnekees by the Hônble Sir William Keith Bart Governor of the Province of Pensilvania in Albany the 7th day of Sepbr 1722

PRESENT — The Hônble Sir William Keith Bart Governor of Pensylvania

Members of the Council of Pensilvania
Richard Hill, Isaac Norris, Coll John French

Commissioners of the Indian Affairs
Peter Van Brugh, Ph: Livingston, Hendr Hanse, John Collins

Interpreted by James Latort into the Delaware Indian Language to an Indian called Captain Smith, & by him into the Maquase Language to the 5 Nations, Lawrence Claese Interpreter being present

Brethren
I have travelled a great way to see you & to hold some Discourse with you the people of Pensylvania have always been friends to the five Nations they have punctually observed all their former Treaties wt you. They expect that you do not forget them & therefore I am come to brighten the chain between us, you sent me word that you desired to see me & I have obtained leave of my brother, the Governor of New York to renew our former Treaties [with you] at this Place & I am glad he is present with us to hear & observe all that is spoken, Some of your ancient men can yet remember the first Settlement of the Province of Pensylvania, by William Penn, he was a good man & had a great affection for all Indians, he entered into Leagues of Friendship with them as Brethren & he gave it in charge to his Governors whom he left in his Place & to all his people that they should continue to do the same, Divers great men from the five Nations have on several occasions visited us at Philadelphia & Conestogoe we were always glad to see them & treated them kindly like Brethren they made firm

leagues of friendship with us & frequently renewed & strengthened them we became as one People & hope always to continue so & as often as the five Nations renewed their League with our great & good friends the Governors of New York it still united them more nearly to us as being subjects of one & the same great King. Last summer that wise & good man Ghesaont with some others of your people came in the name of all the five Nations to visit us at Conestogoe we received them with joy & opened our hearts to each other he rejoiced to see us & our Indians live in so much Peace together We brightened the Chain that it might be clear strong & lasting as the Sun & Stars, but when we heard that Ghesaont died in Virginia we were very sorry, yet I hope the five Nations received my Words of Love & Friendship to their Sachims & to all your people with the Golden Medal & the Presents then delivered it was then stipulated & agreed between us that we should all be one people yt the five Nations should not do an injury to any of us more than to themselves & that we should not do an injury to any of the five Nations more than to our own people or if any person did such injury, they should be punished for it in the same manner as if done to an Englishman

Since that time a very unhappy accident has fallen out which gave us great greif Last winter we heard that one of the five Nations had lost his Life by means of some of our People & the very next day after the news came to me at Philadelphia, I sent two of my Council to Conestogoe to enquire into [the matter & bring me] [1] the truth, they found that the quarrel arose about Rum between a Brother of the five Nations who hunted near Potowmack & two of our Traders the Indian was angry & went hastely & took his Gun to kill the Englishmen, they in defence of themselves seized the Indian & in struggling gave him some blows & left him, We heard our Indian friend & brother died the next day the men who did this action were brought to Philadelphia & put in prison & they will be tried according to our Laws, in ye same manner as if they had killed an Englishman & to prevent such mischeifs for the future we have made a severe law against selling Rum to the Indians. Though this misfortune gave us great greif yet we are perswaded the Cheif Sachims of the five Nations are so wise as to know such accidents may happen without any ill design among the nearest Brethren & by this they will see how strictly we keep our Leagues & Treaties in punishing those who shall dare to offend & injure them or any of their people, I made haste to send a message to ye five nations by Sachichoe to express our Sorrow & received their kind answer by the return of the same Messenger, you received our message like true Brethren desiring us to wipe away our Tears & invited me to come & see you immediately I sent Sachiloe back with this answer that I would meet you at Albany with my good friend [s] the Governor[s] of New York & Virginia & I sent some tokens to your Sachims which I hope they received with a mourning Gold Ring of my own finger to Sacaunkehaute, Sahichoe returned speedily & said you would be glad to see me at Albany he also told me you desired that John Cartright [2] might be released out of prison & yt the injury done to your kinsman may be forgott. But Sachichoe brought no Belt nor other token to confirm his words & therefore I have brought him along with me that you may know & tell me if he spoke Truth. Brethren you see I am come here with four of my Councells to visit you I have left my family & People & have travelled a great way to take you by the hand to join hearts & to rejoice in seeing each others faces for all clouds & darkness must be done away, that the flame of Love & Affection may burn clear in our Breasts. I have
1. The words within [ ] in this paper are added from New-York Colonial Manuscripts, XIII., & Pennsylvania Colonial Records, III. [back]

2. JOHN CARTLIDGE. New York Council Minutes, XIII., 343; Pennsylvania Colonial Records, III, 198.

brought these goods with me to bind my words viz — five pieces of Strouds for clothing, five Casks of Powder & 500 wgt of Lead, to encourage your hunting that you may grow rich & strong, & I desire that you will receive them as a pledge of our firm Resolution to live in perpetual Peace & under the strongest Tyes of friendship with the five Nations, that you will ever remember us as your Brethren & not suffer any of your young men when the Travel to hurt any of our Inhabitants, no more than they would their own or kill their cattle & stock, & that this visit & the Covenant Chain which is hereby renewed & brightened may be recorded in everlasting remembrance to be sent down to your & our children & to our Childrens Children, to last as long as the mountains & Rivers & the sun & moon shall endure I also gave you these two pieces of Blankets to wipe away & dry up the blood that has been spilt & to cover it so as that it may never be seen or heard of more

I live at a great distance from the Brethren & perhaps may never see so many of your grave ancient men together again — I will therefore like a true brother leave with you my best advice for the happiness & welfare of your people & as often as you look upon these two Belts Remember that this one signifies the strength which a wise nation acquires & secures to its People, by peaceable counsells & increasing the number of its friends & this other Belt represents to you a bold firm true heart that abhors falsehood but is ever faithful to its friends & punctually observes whatsoever it promises

A true Copy Examd Pr PH: LIVINGSTON Secy for the Indian Affairs

Answer made by the Indians of the five Nations viz the Maquase Oneydes, Onnondages, Cayouges & Sinnekes to the Propositions made by the Hônble Sir William Keith Bart Governor of Pensilvania, in Albany ye 10 day Septr Ao 1722

PRESENT — The Hônble Sir William Keith Bart Governor of Pensylvania

Members of the Council of Pensilvania
Richard Hill, Coll John French, Isaac Norris, Andr Hamilton

Commissioners of Indian Affairs
Coll Peter Schuijler, Evert Banker, Peter V Brugh, Ph. Livingston, Johs Cuyler, Johs Bleeker, Hendr Hanse, John Collins

Interpreted by Lawrence Claese into Dutch & rendered into English by Robert Livingston

Brother Onas,
which signifies a Pen in the Language of the 5 Nations by which name the call all the Governors of Pensylvania since it was first settled by William Penn

You told us in your Propositions some days agoe that you was come a great way to see us of ye 5 Nations We thank you for your good Will to us & are very glad to see you here in good health & we hope a good understanding & agreement will be made & concluded between us

You told us also that you was come to renew the Covenant Chain that has been made between us so long agoe even at the first settling of the Province of Pensylvania & to brighten the Chain & remove & do away any Spott or Rust that may be grown upon it since our last meeting & Conference at Conestogoe.

Brother Onas
You have told us yt at that time you brightened the Covenant Chain between us, that it might be clear & lasting as ye Sun & Stars in Heaven, for which we thank you, & we being now all present do in ye most solemn & publick manner renew ye Covenant & brighten the Chain made between us, that the lustre thereof may never be obscured by any clouds or darkness, but may shine as clear, & last as long as ye Sun in the Firmament

Brother Onas
You have likewise told us how William Penn who was a good man did at his first Settlement of the Province of Pensylvania make leagues of friendship with the Indians & treated them like Brethren & that like the same good man he left it in charge to all his Governors who should succeed him & to all the People of Pensylvania that they should always keep the Covenant & treaties he had made with ye five Nations & treat them with love & kindness we acknowledge that his Governors & People have always kept the same honestly & truly unto this day, so we on our parts always have kept & for ever shall keep firm Peace & Friendship with a good Heart to all the people of Pensylvania, We thankfully receive & approve of all the articles in your Proposition to us & acknowledge them to be good & full of Love we receive & approve of the same with our whole hearts because we are not only made one People by the Covenant Chain, but we also are People united in one head one body & one Heart by the strongest Tyes of Love & friendship

Brother Onas
You desire there may be a perpetual Peace & friendship between you & the five Nations & between your children & our children & that the same may be kept as long as the mountains & Rivers endure; all which we like well & on our Part desire that the Covenant & Union made with a clean & true Heart between you & us may last as long as the sun & moon shall continue to give light & we will deliver this in charge to our children that it may be kept in Remembrance with their children & childrens children to the latest ages & we desire that the Peace & Tranquillity that is now established between us, may be as clear as the sun shining in its Lustre without any cloud or darkness & that the same may continue for ever

Brother Onas
We have well considered all that you have spoken & like it well, because it is only renewing the former leagues & Treaties made between the Government of Pensylvania & us of the five Nations which we always beleived we were obliged to keep, And as to the accident of one of our friends being killed by some of your people which has happened by Misfortune, & against your Will we say that as we are all in Peace we think it hard the Person who killed our friend & brother should suffer & we do in the name of all the five nations forgive that offence & desire you will likewise forgive it & that the men who did it may be released from Prison & set a[t] liberty to go whither they please & we shall esteem that as a mark of your regard & friendship for ye live Nations & as a further confirmation of this Treaty

Brother Onas
We say further we are glad to hear the former Treaties we have made with William Penn repeated to us again & renewed by you, & we esteem & love you as if you were William Penn himself we are glad you have wiped away & covered ye blood of our dead friend & brother & we desire the same may be forgott so as it may never be more mentioned or remembered

It is needless for us to answer every particular of your Proposition, because we acknowledge the whole to be good & acceptable to us, Especially your good advice which we will always remember & in Testimony thereof & as a full confirmation of our agreement consent & approbation & all that you have proposed & we have here said & promised we lay down a few Beaver Bear & drest Deer Skins & so concluded

Then the Governor expressd his Satisfaction with their answer & gave them thanks for their good will & love to him & ye People of Pensylvania

The Indians then desired to know of the Governor if the men who were in Prison for killing their friend & brother were discharged to which the Governor answered that they were let out upon Bails they then desired that the men might be discharged to which the Governor answered that as soon as he returned to Philadelphia he would give such orders in that affair as should fully answer the request of the five nations in order to confirm the Friendship that is so happily renewed & established by this Treaty.

A True Copy, Examind
Pr PHILIP LIVINGSTON Secy for ye Indian Affairs

Sunday, August 12, 2018

Theodor de Bry 1588 Embellished Engravings of Copied Images of Native Americans - A Priest

1588 Theodor de Bry 1528-1598 Native American Priest  A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia

Theodor de Bry (1528-1598) was an engraver & publisher, famous for his depictions of early European expeditions to the Americas. In 1588 Theodor de Bry & his sons published a new, illustrated edition of Thomas Harriot's 1588 A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia about the first English settlements in North America (in North Carolina). His illustrations were loosely based on the 1585 eye-witness watercolor paintings of English colonist & artist John White.

Friday, August 10, 2018

Theodor de Bry 1588 Embellished Engravings of Copied Images of Native Americans - Women

1588 Theodor de Bry 1528-1598 Native American Women of Secoton  A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia

Theodor de Bry (1528-1598) was an engraver & publisher, famous for his depictions of early European expeditions to the Americas. In 1588 Theodor de Bry & his sons published a new, illustrated edition of Thomas Harriot's 1588 A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia about the first English settlements in North America (in North Carolina). His illustrations were loosely based on the 1585 eye-witness watercolor paintings of English colonist & artist John White.

Thursday, August 9, 2018

1614 John Rolfe writes of his decision to marry Pocahontas

In 1614, Pocahontas married John Rolfe

John Rolfe Letter of Intention

John Rolfe (1585-1622) explains in this letter his reasons for marrying Powhatan’s daughter, Pocahontas, to Sir Thomas Dale, the governor of Virginia. The tone suggests it was intended mainly for official records, but at some points Rolfe bared his true feelings. John married Pocahontas in the spring of 1614. the marriage resulted in a temporary peace with the Indians.

John Rolfe on his decision to marry Pocahontas, in a letter to Sir Thomas Dale, governor of Virginia, 1614.

Let therefore this my well advised protestation . . . condemn me herein, if my chiefest intent and purpose be not, to strive with all my power of body and mind, in the undertaking of so mighty a matter, no way led (so far forth as man’s weakness may permit) with the unbridled desire of carnal affection: but for the good of this plantation, for the honour of our country, for the glory of God, for my own salvation, and for the converting to the true knowledge of God and Jesus Christ, an unbelieving creature, namely Pokahuntas. . . . 

Shall I be of so untoward a disposition, as to refuse to lead the blind into the right way? Shall I be so unnatural, as not to give bread to the hungry? or uncharitable, as not to cover the naked? Shall I despise to actuate these pious duties of a Christian? Shall the base fears of displeasing the world, overpower and withhold me from revealing unto man these spiritual works of the Lord, which in my meditations and prayers, I have daily made known unto him? God forbid. . . .

Now if the vulgar sort, who square all men’s actions by the base rule of their own filthiness, shall tax or taunt me in this my godly labour: let them know, it is not any hungry appetite, to gorge my self with incontinency; sure (if I would, and were so sensually inclined) I might satisfy such desire, though not without a seared conscience, yet with Christians more pleasing to the eye, and less fearful in the offence unlawfully committed.

On May 1609, John Rolfe boarded the Sea Venture left England bound for Virginia. The Sea Venture was the flagship of a convoy of 500 new settlers. In July a massive hurricane scattered the fleet, and the Sea Venture ran aground just off the Bermudas. All of its 150 people safely reached shore and salvaged much of the ship’s supplies for what would be a 10-month stay. While on Bermuda, Rolfe’s wife gave birth to a daughter who was christened Bermuda, but the child died there. Rolfe’s wife also died. By the spring of 1610 the survivors had made two smaller ships from cedar trees and salvage from the shipwreck. The Patience and the Deliverance reached the Chesapeake Bay after 10 days sailing.

Sea Venture survivors found a colony struggling to return profits to its sponsors in the Virginia Company. The colonists had tried silk making, glassmaking, lumber, sassafras, pitch and tar, and soap ashes, with no financial success. Rolfe experimented with tobacco, which until that point had been controlled on European markets by the Spanish. Ralph Hamor, Secretary of Virginia, said Rolfe used tobacco seeds he obtained from somewhere in the Caribbean, possibly from Trinidad. “I may not forget the gentleman worthie of much commendations, which first tooke the pains to make triall thereof, his name Mr. John Rolfe, Anno Domini 1612, partly for the love he hath a long time borne unto it, and partly to raise commodity to the adventurers….” Rolfe gave some tobacco from his crop to friends “to make triall of,” and they agreed the new leaf “smoked pleasant, sweete and strong.” The remainder of the crop was shipped to England where it compared favorably with “Spanish” leaf.

In 1613 Pocahontas, “dearest daughter” of Chief Powhatan, was kidnapped and brought to Jamestown to be traded for English prisoners and weapons that Powhatan held. That exchange never took place. Pocahontas learned English and Christianity—and came to the attention of Rolfe, a pious man who agonized for many weeks over his wish to marry a “heathen.” He composed a long, laborious letter to Governor Dale asking for permission to marry Pocahontas. The letter reflected Rolfe’s dilemma: “It is Pocahontas to whom my hearty and best thoughts are, and have been a long time so entangled, and enthralled in so intricate a labyrinth that I [could not] unwind myself thereout.” Pocahontas ultimately converted to Christianity and took the name Rebecca, and the wedding took place in April 1614. It resulted in peace with the Indians long enough for the settlers to develop and expand their colony on the strength of their new cash crop, tobacco.

In 1616 Rolfe took his wife and infant son, Thomas, to England. The couple spent months in the highest circles of London society, but Pocahontas died at Gravesend, England, seven months later on their return to Virginia. Rolfe left his son in the care of a guardian in England and returned to his adopted home. In Virginia he became a councilor and sat as a member of the House of Burgesses. He married Jane Pierce, daughter of a colonist, and continued his efforts to improve the quality and quantity of Virginia tobacco. By 1617 tobacco exports to England totaled 20,000 pounds. The next year shipments more than doubled. Twelve years later, one and a half million pounds were exported. The first great American enterprise had been established. John Rolfe died sometime in 1622. Although a third of the colony was killed in the Indian uprising of that year, it is not known how Rolfe died.  See Jamestown Rediscovery 

Wednesday, August 8, 2018

Theodor de Bry 1588 Embellished Engravings of Copied Images of Native Americans - Making Canoes

1588 Theodor de Bry 1528-1598 Native Americans Making Canoes  A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia

Theodor de Bry (1528-1598) was an engraver & publisher, famous for his depictions of early European expeditions to the Americas. In 1588 Theodor de Bry & his sons published a new, illustrated edition of Thomas Harriot's 1588 A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia about the first English settlements in North America (in North Carolina). His illustrations were loosely based on the 1585 eye-witness watercolor paintings of English colonist & artist John White.

Tuesday, August 7, 2018

Why Did Chesapeake Bay Native Americans Begin Farming?

1588 Theodor de Bry 1528-1598 Native American Village of Secoton  A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia

The Jefferson Patterson Park & Museum, Maryland State Museum of Archaeology tells us that, archaeological evidence suggests that rather than abruptly shifting from hunting & gathering to farming, Native Americans gradually incorporated food-growing into their lifestyle. The transition to food growing in eastern North America was not a revolution, but a nuanced evolution. And Native peoples across America became farmers at different times & in different ways in response to a diversity of needs, beliefs, & ecological conditions.

Apart from growing food, Native Americans actively “managed” the landscape by burning undergrowth & forest litter to make nut gathering easier & to facilitate hunting. Early historical accounts make mention of park-like forests: “Neare their habitations is little small wood or old trees on the ground by reason of their burning of them for fire. So that a man may gallop a horse amongst these woods any waie, but where the creekes or Rivers shall hinder.” John Smith A True Relation of Such Occurrences & Accidents of Noate as Hath Hapned in Virginia, (1608), in Lyon Gardiner Tyler, ed., Narratives of Early Virginia, 1606-1625 (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1907, p.101).

It was during the Transitional Archaic time period that Native Americans first became food growers by encouraging useful plants in & around their campsites. These acts formed the beginnings of a food production system which had far reaching effects on many aspects of culture – from the size of settlements, to mobility, to the health of individuals, to social & political relationships. Clear lines of evidence from the Midwestern United States document that at campsites located on alluvial floodplains weedy plants were tolerated, encouraged, and eventually propagated. These acts of husbandry ultimately formed a system of Native horticulture that was unique to the Eastern Woodlands of North America. Sunflower, sumpweed, cucurbit gourd, knotweed, chenopod, maygrass, & little barley were grown. Together, these crops are referred to as the Eastern Agricultural Complex. While wild relatives of all of these plants persist in nature, the cultivated types grown in prehistory are now mostly extinct.

The tropical cultigens corn (or maize), beans, & squash, which feature so prominently in early colonial accounts of the New World, were actually latecomers to the farm fields of the Eastern Woodlands. In the Midwest and on the Allegheny Plateau here in the East, maize was incorporated into the gardens of Indians who had a long history of growing the crops of the Eastern Agricultural complex. In these areas, we believe that maize first appeared in small quantities & at scattered locations after AD 200. For centuries maize was a minor crop in these areas. After AD 1100, farming economies focused on maize flourished, & beans, fleshy squashes, & pale-seeded amaranth also become archaeologically visible.

Here in Maryland & Virginia, very different patterns of prehistoric plant use are evident east & west of the Blue Ridge Mountains. To the west, the Midwestern pattern prevails – there is evidence of pre-maize agriculture, and maize occurs at some Middle Woodland period sites. On the piedmont and coastal plain, however, the story is a bit different: there is no convincing evidence that pre-maize crops were ever an important part of the Native food system. In these areas, maize first occurred around A.D. 1100, & all early maize remains in the Chesapeake region have been found at archaeological sites thought to have ceremonial or political significance. This suggests that maize may have served an important symbolic or ritualistic role as well as being a food plant.

These differences in the timing & traditions associated with becoming farmers reflect the differences in the ecological settings & culture history of prehistoric Native Americans. One explanation for the differences in the adoption of maize (as a food) & sedentary farming (as a lifestyle) in the Chesapeake region is that the Bay & its many estuaries provided a food-rich “breadbasket.” A great variety of wild food resources were easily accessible via waterborne travel.

The effects of prehistoric farming on Maryland’s environment are difficult to discern. We know from early colonial narrative accounts that the Chesapeake Indian peoples managed the forest understory for hunting & gathering, & cleared land for gardens. These activities would have increased soil erosion and modified the natural succession of plant species. The opening of arable land would also have created more forest edge – resulting in an increase in the diversity of plant & animal life. Hunting, fishing, & gathering activities would also have affected local biology. Growing populations living in larger, more concentrated communities certainly impacted Maryland’s landscape. But the toll of humans as ecological factors prior to the time of European contact remains incompletely understood.

Innovations in food production throughout the Woodland period were intertwined with cultural, political, & social changes. Horticulture enabled people to stay for longer periods of time in one place, which resulted in the development of more complex social & political relationships. We see the material expression of cultural identity & beliefs in Woodland period artifacts. These stylistic patterns reveal complex networks of communication and exchange throughout the Middle Atlantic region. By the Late Woodland period there is evidence that populations had grown significantly and that people lived in larger, year-round villages organized in complex politic alliances called Chiefdoms. At this same time, archaeology reveals big changes in horticulture (with the adoption of maize agriculture), innovations in tool & weapon technologies, the creation of new pottery styles, & the practice of complex burial rituals.

See:
Dent, Richard J.1995 Chesapeake Prehistory. Old Traditions, New Directions. Plenum Press, New York.

Potter, Stephen R. 1993 Commoners, Tribute, and Chiefs: The Development of Algonquian Culture in the Potomac Valley.  University Press of Virginia, Charlottesville.

Smith, Bruce D. 1992 Rivers of Change. Essays on Early Agriculture in Eastern North America. Smithsonian Institution  Press, Washington D.C.

Monday, August 6, 2018

Theodor de Bry 1588 Embellished Engravings of Copied Images of Native Americans - Women with Babies

1588 Theodor de Bry 1528-1598 Native American Woman and Young A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia

Theodor de Bry (1528-1598) was an engraver & publisher, famous for his depictions of early European expeditions to the Americas. In 1588 Theodor de Bry & his sons published a new, illustrated edition of Thomas Harriot's 1588 A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia about the first English settlements in North America (in North Carolina). His illustrations were loosely based on the 1585 eye-witness watercolor paintings of English colonist & artist John White.

Sunday, August 5, 2018

1607 Pocahontas as a Propaganda Pawn - Her capture, return, marriage

The Story of Pocahontas
Her Capture, the Bargain for her Return, & her Marriage to John Rolfe
as told by Raphe Hamor, Secretary of the Jamestown Colony

Pocahontas. By Charles Staal, engraved by B. Eyles.

Pocahontas was about 12, when Capt. John Smith was captured by Powhatan’s men in 1607, & she allegedly saved him from execution. "Pocahontas" was a nickname, which in Algonquin roughly translated to "Little Wanton," or playful, merry little girl. She became a frequent visitor at Jamestown, as she brought food for the colonists. She also became an informer for the British, warning Smith of her father’s war plans. 

After Smith’s return to England, Pocahontas returned to her village & resumed her proper name of Matoaka. The English, under Sir Thomas Dale, were at war with Powhatan. To force Powhatan’s submission, Capt. Samuel Argall in 1613, lured Pocahontas on board a ship & held her hostage. During a prolonged captivity, she reportedly was converted to Christianity by the Reverend Alexander Whitaker & baptized as “Rebecca.” In 1614, she married John Rolfe, who had introduced the profitable tobacco species into the colony. Powhatan grudgingly agreed to a truce with the colony that lasted until 1622.


Marriage of John Rolfe & Pocahontas on April 5, 1614

To ramp up public relations & perhaps lure some new investors, in 1616 The Virginia Company brought the Rolfes, their son, Thomas (b. 1615), plus an entourage of 12 colorful Native Americans to England. On her publicity tour, she met many of the period's major figures, was presented at court, & had her portrait painted. She then took ill & died in March 1617, on board the ship returning her to Virginia. She was buried in Gravesend, England. 

An excerpt from A true discourse of the present estate of Virginia, & the successe of the affaires there till the 18 of Iune 1614. Together with a relation of the seuerall English townes & fortes, the assured hopes of that countrie & the peace concluded with the Indians. The christening of Powhatans daughter & her marriage with an English-man. Written by Raphe Hamor the yonger, late secretarie in that colony ... London, Printed by Iohn Beale for W. Welby, 1615.

"It chaunced  Powhatans delight & darling, his daughter Pocahontas, (whose fame hath even bin spred in England by the title of Nonparrella of Virginia) in her princely progresse, if I may so terme it, tooke some pleasure (in the absence of Captaine Argall (to be among her friends at Pataomecke (as it seemeth by the relation I had) imploied thither, as shopkeepers to a Fare, to exchange some of her fathers commodities for theirs, where residing some three months or longer, it fortuned upon occasion either of promise or profit, Captaine  Argall to arrive there, whom  Pocahantas, desirous to renue his familiaritie with the English, & delighting to see them, as unknowne, fearefull perhaps to be surprised, would gladly visit, as she did, of whom no sooner had Captaine Argall intelligence, but he delt with an old friend, & adopted brother of his  Iapazeus, how & by what meanes he might procure hir captive, assuring him, that now or never, was the time to pleasure him, if he entended indeede that love which he had made profession of, that in ransome of hir he might redeeme some of our English men & armes, now in the possession of her Father, promising to use her withall faire, & gentle entreaty:  Iapazeus well assured that his brother, as he promised would use her curteously promised his best indeavours & secrecie to accomplish his desire, & thus wrought it, making his wife an instrument (which sex have ever bin most powerfull in beguiling inticements) to effect his plot which hee had thus laid, he agreed that himselfe, his wife, & Pocahuntas, would accompanie his brother to the water side, whether come, his wife should faine a great & longing desire to goe aboorde, & see the shippe, which being there three or foure times, before she had never seene, & should bee earnest with her husband to permit her: he seemed angry with her, making as he pretended so unnecessary a request, especially being without the company of women, which deniall she taking unkindely, must faine to weepe, (as who knows not that women can command teares) whereupon her husband seeming to pitty those counterfeit teares, gave her leave to goe aboord, so that it would please Pochahuntas to accompany her; now was the greatest labour to win her, guilty perhaps of her fathers wrongs, though not knowne as she supposed to goe with her, yet by her earnest perswasions, she assented: so forth with aboord they went, the best cheere that could be made was seasonably provided, to supper they went, merry on all hands, especially Iapazeus & his wife, who to expres their joy, would ere be treading upó Capt. Argals foot, as who should say tis don, she is your own. Supper ended, Pochahuntas was lodged in the Gunners roome, but Iapazeus & his wife desired to have some conference with their brother, which was onely to acquaint him by what stratagem they had betraied his prisoner, as I have already related: after which discourse to sleepe they went, Pocahuntas nothing mistrusting this policy, who nevertheless being most possessed with feare, & desire of returne, was first up, & hastened Iapazeus to be gon. Capt. Argall having secretly well rewarded him, with a small Copper kettle, & som other les valuable toies so highly by him esteemed, that doubtlesse he would have betrayed his owne father for them, permitted both him & his wife to returne, but told him, that for divers considerations, as for that his father had then eigh of our English men, many swords, peeces, & other tooles, which he had at severall times by trecherons murdering our men, taken from them which though of no use to him, he would not redeliver, he would reserve Pocahuntas, whereat she began to be exceeding pensive, & discontented, yet ignorant of the dealing of Iapazeus, who in outward appearance was no less discontented that he should be the meanes of her captivity, much a doe there was to perswade her to be patient, which with extraordinary curteous usage, by little & little was wrought in her, & so to James towne she was brought, a messenger to her father forthwith dispached to advertise him, that his only daughter was in the hands & possession of the English: ther to be kept til such times as he would ransom her with our men, swords, peeces, & other tools treacherously taken from us: the news was unwelcome, & troublesom unto him, partly for the love he bare to his daughter, & partly for the love he bare to our men his prisoners, of whom though with us they were unapt for any imployment) he made great use: & those swords, & peeces of ours, (which though of no use to him) it delighted him to view, & looke upon. 

"He could not without long advise & delibertion with his Councell, resolve upon anything, & it is true, we heard nothing of him till three months after, by perswasions of others he returned us seaven of our men, with each of them a Musket unserviceable, & by them sent us word, that whensoever wee pleased to deliver his daughter, he would give us in satisfaction of his injuries done to us, & for the rest of our peeces broken & stolne from him, 500 Bushells of Corne, & be for ever friends with us, the men, & Peeces in part of payment we received: & returned him answere, that his daughter was very well, & kindely intreated, & so should be howsoever he dealt with us: but we could not believe that the rest of our Arms were either lost, or stolne from him, & therefore till he returned them all, we would not by any meanes deliver his daughter & then it should be at his choice, whether he would establish peace, or continue enemies with us. This answere as it seemed, pleased him not very wel, for we heard no more from him till in March last, when with Captaine Argalls Shippe, & some other Vessells belonging to the Colony, Sir Thomas Dale with an hundred & fifty men well appointed, went up into his owne River, where his chiefest habitations were, & carried with us his daughter, either to move them to fight for her, if such were their courage & boldnesse, as hath been reported, or to restore the residue of our demands, which were our peeces, swords, tooles. Some of the same men which he returned (as they promised) ran to him again, & because he had put us to the trouble to fetch them five hundred bushels of Corne: A great bravado all the way as we went up the River they made, demaunding the cause of our comming thither, which wee tould them was to deliver Pocahuntas, whom purposely we had brought with us, & to receive our Armes, men, & corn or else to fight with them, burn their howses, take away their Canoas, breake downe their fishing Weares, & doe them what other damages we could: Some of them to set a good face on the matter, replied, that if wee came to fight with them we were welcome, for they were provided for us, councelling us rather to retire (if wee loved our safeties) then proceed, bragging, as well they might, that wee had ever had the worst of them in that River, instancing by Capt: Ratliefe (not worthy remembering, but to his dishonor) who, with most of his company they betrayed & murthered: we told them since they durst remember us of that mischief, unlesse they made the better & more speedy agreement, we would now revenge that trechery, & with this discourse by the way as we went, we proceeded, & had no sooner entred the narrow of the river, the channell there lying within shot of the shoare, but they let their arrowes flie amongst us in the shippe themselves unseene to us, & in the forehead hurt one of our men, which might have hazarded his life without the present helpe of a skillfull Chirurgion. 


"Being thus justly provoked, we presently manned our boats, went ashoare, & burned in that verie place some forty houses, & of the things we found therein, made freeboote & pillage, & as themselves afterward confest unto us, hurt & killed five or sixe of their men, with this revenge satisfying our selves, for that their presumption in shooting at us, & so the next day proceeded higher up the River, & Indians calling unto us, & demaunding why we went ashoare, burnt their houses, killed & hurt their men, & tooke away their goods. We replied that though we came to them in peaceable manner, & would have beene glad to have received our demaunds with love & peace, yet we had hearts & power to take revenge, & punish where wrongs should be offered, which having now don, though not so severely as we might, we rested content there with & are ready to imbrace peace with them if they pleased. Many excuses they seemed to pretend, that they shot not at us, but (if any such abuse were offered) it was some stragled Indian, ignorant of our pretence in comming to them, affirming that they themselves would be right glad of our love, & would indeavour to helpe us to what we came for, which being in the possession of Powhatan their King, they would without delay dispatch messengers to him, to know his purpose & pleasure, desiring faire quarter some 24 howers, for so long they pretend it would be before their messengers might returne this wee graunted, & what we promised, we ever exactly performed, the time now come, we inquired what Powhatan would doe, & had for answere, that our Englishmen lately with him, fearefull to be put to death by us, were runne away, & some of Powhatans men sent abroade in quest of them, but our swords & peeces so many as he had should be brought the next day, which meerely to delay time, they bare us in hand the next day they came not, higher up the river we went, & ancored neere unto the chiefest residencie Powhatan had, at a towne called Matchcot where were assembled (which we saw) about 400 men, well appointed with their bowes & arrowes to welcome us, here they dared us to come a shoare, a thing which we purposed before, so a shoare we went, our best landing being up a high steepe hill which might have given the enemy much advantage against us, but it seemed they as we were unwilling to begin, & yet would gladly have bin at blowes, being landed as if they had no shew of fear, they stirred not from us, but walked up & downe, by & amongst us, the best of them inquiring for our Weroance or king, with whom they would gladly consult to know the occasion of our comming thither, whereof when they were informed, they made answere that they were there ready to defend themselves, if we pleased to assault them, desiring neverthelesse some small time to dispatch two or three men once more to their king, to know his resolution, which if not answerable to our requests, in the morning if nothing else but blood would then satisfie us, they would fight with us, & thereby determine our quarrell, which was but a further delay to procure time to carrie away their provisions, neverthelesse we agreed to this their request, assuring them till the next day by noone we would not molest, hurt, nor detaine any of them, & then before we fought, our Drum & Trumpets should give them warning: upon which promise of ours, two of Powhatans sonnes being very desirous to see their sister who was there present ashore with us, came unto us, at the sight of whom, & her well fare, whom they suspected to be worse intreated, though they had often heard the contrary, they much rejoyced, & promised that they would undoubtedly perswade their father to redeem her, & to conclude a firme peace forever with us, & upon this resolution the two brothers with us retired aboarde, we having first dispatched two English men, Master John Rolfe & master Sparkes to acquaint their Father with the businesse in hand, the next day being kindly intreated, they returned, not at all admitted Powhatans presence, but spake with his brother Apachamo, his successor, one who hath already the commaund of all the people, who likewise promised us his best indeavors to further our just requests, & we because the time of the yeere being then Aprill, called us to our businesse at home to prepare ground, & set corne for our winters provisions, upon these termes departed, giving them respite till harvest to resolve what was best for them to doe, with this Proviso, that if final agreement were not made betwixt us before that time, we would thither returne again & destroy & take away all their corne, burne all the houses upon that river, leave not a fishing Weere standing, nor a Canoa in any creeke thereabout, & destroy & kill as many of them as we could.


"Long before this time a gentleman of approved behaviour & honest carriage, master John Rolfe had bin in love with Pocahuntas & she with him, which thing at the instant that we were in parlee with them, my selfe made known to Sir Thomas Dale by a letter from him, whereby he intreated his advise & furtherance in his love, if so it seemed fit to him for the good of the Plantation, & Pocahuntas her selfe, acquainted her brethren therewith: which resolution Sir Thomas Dale wel approving, was the onely cause: he was so milde amongst them, who otherwise would not have departed their river without other conditions.


"The bruite of this pretended marriage came soone to Powhatans knowledge, a thing acceptable to him, as appeared by his sudden content thereunto, who some ten daies after sent an olde uncle of hirs, named Opachisco, to give her as his deputy in the Church, & two of his sonnes to see the marriage solemnized, which was accordingly done about the fifth of Aprill & ever since we have had friendly commerce & trade, not onely with Powhatan himselfe, but also with his subjects round about us; so as now I see no reason why the Collonie should not thrive a pace..." 


The rescue episode did not appear in John Smith’s accounts of Virginia published in 1608 & 1612, but surfaced in his Generall Historie of Virginia, New England, and the Summer Isles (1624). Doubts have been cast ever since on its authenticity &, if true, its meaning. 

See: Eric Foner & John A. Garraty, Editors. The Reader’s Companion to American History. 1991 Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. 

Saturday, August 4, 2018

Theodor de Bry 1588 Embellished Engravings of Copied Images of Native Americans - Fishing

1588 Theodor de Bry 1528-1598  Native Americans Fishing  A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia

Theodor de Bry (1528-1598) was an engraver & publisher, famous for his depictions of early European expeditions to the Americas. In 1588 Theodor de Bry & his sons published a new, illustrated edition of Thomas Harriot's 1588 A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia about the first English settlements in North America (in North Carolina). His illustrations were loosely based on the 1585 eye-witness watercolor paintings of English colonist & artist John White.

Friday, August 3, 2018

1608 The Role of Native American, Slave, & European Women at Jamestown, Virginia



"...the plantation can never florish till families be planted & the respect of wives and children fix the people on the soil." Sir Edwin Sandy, Treasurer Virginia Company of London, 1620


The 1st of the British colonies to take hold in North America was Jamestown. On the basis of a charter which King James I granted to the Virginia (or London) Company, a group of about 100 men set out for the Chesapeake Bay in 1607. Seeking to avoid conflict with the Spanish, who settled & exploited the Americas 1st, they chose a site about 60 kilometers up the James River from the bay. Made up of townsmen & adventurers more interested in finding gold than farming, the group was unequipped by temperament or ability to embark upon a completely new life in the wilderness.

Some hoped to convert the Native Americans to Protestant Christianity. Some wanted to establish an English hold on the New World & exploit its resources. Most desired to find its fabled gold & riches & a few longed to discover a northwest passage to the treasures of the Orient.


Among them, Captain John Smith emerged as the dominant figure. Despite quarrels, starvation & Indian attacks, his ability to enforce discipline held the little colony together through its 1st year. In 1609 Smith returned to England, & in his absence, the colony descended into anarchy. 


The 1st English women arrived in Virginia, when Captain Christopher Newport brought 2 female settlers to Jamestown on his 2nd supply ship in October of 1608.

During the winter of 1609-1610, the majority of the colonists succumbed to disease. Only 60 of the original 300 settlers were still alive by May 1610.

Once the commercial resources were discovered, the company's revenues would continue only if the outpost became permanent. For Jamestown to survive, many unstable conditions had to be overcome. 1. A clash of cultures existed between the Englishmen & the Native Americans with whom they soon found to need to trade & hoped to Christianize. 2. Settlers were unprepared for the rugged frontier life in a wilderness. 3. Many settlers intended to remain in Virginia only long enough to make their fortune & then return home to England.


It was not long, however, before a development occurred that revolutionized Virginia's economy. In 1612, John Rolfe began cross-breeding imported tobacco seed from the West Indies with native plants & produced a new variety that was pleasing to European taste. The 1st shipment of this tobacco reached London in 1614. Within a decade it had become Virginia's chief source of revenue.

Prosperity did not come quickly, however, & the death rate from disease & Indian attacks remained extraordinarily high. Between 1607-1624 approximately 14,000 people migrated to the colony, yet only 1,132 were living there in 1624. On recommendation of a royal commission, the king dissolved the Virginia Company, & he made it a royal colony that year.

Providing the stability needed for Jamestown's survival was the indispensable role played by Virginia women. Their initial arrival in 1608 & throughout the next few years contributed greatly to Jamestown's ultimate success. Lord Bacon, a member of His Majesty's Council for Virginia, stated about 1620 that "When a plantation grows to strength, then it is time to plant with women as well as with men; that the plantation may spread into generations, & not be ever pieced from without."

Pocahontas

The 1st woman to foster stability in Jamestown was not an English woman but a native Virginian. Pocahontas, the daughter of Chief Powhatan, was among the first Native Americans to bring harvest foods to the early settlers. 

Indian women of the Powhatan society interacted with the colonists from the start, accompanying male emissaries sent to the Fort by Chief Powhatan — at times bringing food which saved the settlers from starvation.  

After being captured & held for the ransom of peace by the English colonists, Pocahontas eventually married tobacco entrepenur John Rolfe. This early Virginia woman helped create the "Peace of Pocahontas," which for several years, appeased the clash between the 2 cultures.




Anne Burras

One of the 1st English women to arrive & help provide a home life in the rugged Virginia wilderness was young Anne Burras. Anne was the personal maid of Mistress Forrest who came to Jamestown in 1608 to join her husband. Although the fate of Mistress Forrest remains uncertain, that of Anne Burras is well known. Her marriage to carpenter John Laydon 2 months after her arrival became the 1st Jamestown wedding. While Jamestown fought the become a permanent settlement, Anne & John began a more intimate struggle to raise a family of 4 daughters in the Virginia wilderness. Certainly, Anne & her family began the stabilization process which would eventually spur the colony's growth.  Little else is known of Anne except that she survived the Indian attack of 1622 — which killed an estimated 347 colonists & was the beginning of a war with the Native Americans that lasted for 10 years.  She was still living in Virginia in 1625.

Temperance Flowerdew

Another young woman, Temperance Flowerdew, 1590-1628, arrived with 400 ill-fated settlers in the fall of 1609. Temperance Flowerdew was the daughter of Anthony Flowerdew of Hethersett County, Norfolk, England & Martha Stanley of Scottow, Norfolk, England. 

The following winter, dubbed the "Starving Time," saw over 80 percent of Jamestown succumb to sickness, disease & starvation. Temperance survived this season of hardship but soon returned to England.  

Three years later in 1613, Temperance married George Yeardley & over the course of the next few years had 3 children, a daughter Elizabeth (1614-15), & 2 sons, Argoll (1618) & Francis (1623). In 1616, Deputy Governor George Yeardly secured a peace with the Chickahominy Indians that enabled the colonists to trade for food & live in peace for 2 years. His term ended in 1617. Traveling to England, George Yeardley was knighted in 1618, & given a commission as Governor of Virginia. In 1619, Governor Yeardley initiated the 1st legislative assembly by ordering representatives from all parts of the colony to convene at the Jamestown church on July 3, 1619 to determine the laws that would govern them.  This later became known as the House of Burgesses.

Governor Yeardley named his Virginia patent grant of 1,000 acres in honor of his wife:  Flowerdew Hundred.  Sir Yeardly commissioned the building of America’s 1st windmill on the plantation in 1621.  Notably 15 of the 1st 20 Africans brought to the Jamestown colony resided at the plantation.  Whether they were there in slavery or indentured servitude, it is not clear.  Indentured servitude was common in the early days of the colony.  The colony had no institutionalized slavery enacted into law until 1662, when the need for labor in the tobacco-dependent economy intensified.

Temperance survived another harrowing event that occurred in the early morning hours of March 22, 1622, when a carefully orchestrated attack by the Powhatan Indians wiped out 25% of the colonists.  Records note that Flowerdew Hundred lost 6 of the 30 or so people who lived & worked there.

In 1627, Temperance’s husband died & she remarried his successor, Governor Francis West on March 31, 1628.  Unfortunately Temperance died just 9 months later in December 1628. Her many years in Virginia as a wife & mother helped fill the gap in Jamestown's early family life.

Jane Pierce

Jane Pierce, the daughter of Captain William Pierce & his wife Joan., set out on her journey to the New World in 1609 with the group of 500 new settlers destined for the Jamestown settlement.

Jane traveled to the new colony of Virginia with her mother on the Blessing, one of 9 ships that traveled together in consort from England.  Captain Pierce traveled with the other leaders on the flagship, the Sea Venture.  The violent hurricane battered the ships & separated Jane’s ship from that of her father’s.  Weeks later, the Blessing straggled into Jamestown, but when her father’s ship never arrived, Jane & her mother believed Captain Pierce had been lost at sea.

They had little time to grieve, however, as their focus was on surviving the terrible Starving Time during that 1st winter. Both Jane & her mother were among the few survivors come spring.

Then in May, 1610, some 10 months after they said goodbye to her father, Jane, along with her mother, enjoyed a thrilling, unexpected reunion with Captain Pierce when the survivors of the Sea Venture shipwreck on Bermuda arrived at Jamestown. Jane grew up in Jamestown learning from her mother, known as the master gardener of the Jamestown settlement. 

John Rolfe became well-acquainted with Captain Pierce during the Sea Venture voyage & the 10 months stranded on the island of Bermuda.  Upon the tragic death of his wife, Rebecca (Pocahontas) in England in 1617, John Rolfe returned to Jamestown. In 1619, Jane married John Rolfe. They had a daughter, Elizabeth, in 1620, who died in 1635 at the age of 15. Jane’s husband, John Rolfe, died in 1622.

The mother of a 2 year old girl, Jane remarried that year to Captain Roger Smith.

The need for a more permanent colony may have led the male leaders back in England, who were interested in making a profit, to revised thinking about the role of women.  The traditional English role of women seemed to enlarge & shift a bit, as they created a sense of permanence & “home” in the wilderness of Virginia. Their importance & standing began to grow a little. Jamestown’s women provided the stability needed for its survival.

In July 1619, settlers were granted acres of land dependent on the time & situation of their arrival. This was the beginning of private property for Virginia men. These men, however, asked that land also be allotted for their wives who were just as deserving "...because that in a newe plantation it is not knowen whether man or woman be the most necessary."

The Virginia Company of London seemed to agree that women were indeed quite necessary. They hoped to anchor their discontented bachelors to the soil of Virginia by using women as a stabilizing factor. They ordered in 1619 that "...a fit hundredth might be sent of women, maids young & uncorrupt, to make wives to the inhabitants & by that means to make the men there more settled & less movable...." Ninety arrived in 1620 & the company records reported in May of 1622 that, "57 young maids have been sent to make wives for the planters, divers of which were well married before the coming away of the ships."

Slave Women

From 1618-1620, the Portuguese fought the people of Ndongo in western Africa. Thousands of Africans were abducted by African warlords & mercenaries employed by the Portuguese in Angola. Many were marched from their villages to the port of Luanda. Some escaped. Some died. Two to 300 survivors would be packed together on a vessel for the journey across the sea as slaves. 

In August 1619, a privateer vessel, White Lion, landed in Virginia at Point Comfort (present day Hampton, Virginia) with a cargo of more than 20 Africans stolen from a Portuguese slave ship named Sao Jao Bautista bound for Veracruz, Mexico. A short time after the White Lion stopped at Point Comfort, another vessel, the Treasurer, arrived carrying more Africans.

The status of the Africans in Virginia, at that moment, is uncertain, but some were “bought” by Governor Yeardley & Abraham Peirsey — meaning they were either slaves or indentured servants. Without papers of indenture (as carried by most white servants), these new arrivals had no protected legal standing & could be easily exploited.

From 1619 on, African women — brought to Virginia against their will — were also a vital part of the female history of Jamestown & Virginia. Few records exist to shed light on the lives of the 1st Africans in Virginia — either before or after their arrival; however, there is some historical information about one of them — a young woman called “Angela” who came on the Treasurer in 1619. The Muster Roll of 1625 reveals that Angela was still in Virginia — a servant in the household of Captain William Peirce.

It is believed that Jamestown would not have survived as a permanent settlement without the daring women who were willing to leave behind their English homes & face the challenges of a strange new land. These women created a sense of stability in the untamed wilderness of Virginia. They helped the settlers see Virginia not just as a temporary place for profit or adventure, but as a country in which to forge a new home.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:
Billings, Waren. The Old Dominion in the 17th Century
Brown, Alexander. The Genesis of the U.S.
Bruse, Philip. History of Virginia Colonial Period 1607-1763
Ibid., Social Life of Virginia in the 17th Century
Jester, Annie. Domestic Life in Virginia in the 17th Century
Lebsock, Suzanne. A Share of Honour: Virginia Women 1600-1945
Mapp, Alf Jr.. The Virginia Experiment: 1607-1781
Morton, Richard. Colonial Virginia
Phillips, Leon. First Lady of America, Pocahontas
Spruill, Julia. Women's Life and Work in the Southern Colonies
Tate, Thad and Ammerman, David. The Chesapeake in the 17th Century: Essays on Anglo-American Society
Turman, Nora. George Yeardley
Virginia Company. Records of the Virginia Company, I & II

Information from the National Park Service at Jamestown, Virginia

Thursday, August 2, 2018

Theodor de Bry 1588 Embellished Engravings of Copied Images of Native Americans - Body Paint

1588 Theodor de Bry 1528-1598 Native American in Body Paint  A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia

Theodor de Bry (1528-1598) was an engraver & publisher, famous for his depictions of early European expeditions to the Americas. In 1588 Theodor de Bry & his sons published a new, illustrated edition of Thomas Harriot's 1588 A Briefe and True Report of the New Found Land of Virginia about the first English settlements in North America (in North Carolina). His illustrations were loosely based on the 1585 eye-witness watercolor paintings of English colonist & artist John White.

Wednesday, August 1, 2018

When Did People First Arrive in the area now called Maryland?

Robert Beverley (c.1673-c.1722) The History & Present State of Virginia, in 4 parts...By a native &  inhabitant of the place. London: Printed for R. Parker, 1705

The Jefferson Patterson Park & Museum, Maryland State Museum of Archaeology tells us that, the 1st human beings arrived in Maryland sometime during the end of the last glacial period. There is some evidence of possible pre-Clovis occupation of the region as early as 18,000 years ago. The Clovis wer a distinct Paleoindian group originally named for a distinctively shaped fluted stone spearpoint used to hunt megafauna. The Clovis people are generally regarded as the earliest human inhabitants of  the New World. It is generally agreed that by about 11,500 years ago, Paleoindian people using Clovis tools had moved into Maryland & left evidence of their lives in the archaeological record.   The Paleoindian cultural period (10000 B.C. to 7500 B.C.) was a time of radical climatic change at the transition of the Pleistocene to the Holocene at the end of the last ice age. The Ice Age was a geologic period of long-term reduction in the Earth’s temperature which resulted in an expansion of the continental & polar ice sheets.

At the time people arrived in Maryland, the ice age was coming to an end, though the climate was still much colder & wetter than it is today. Mobile hunters probably came into the region that is now Maryland in pursuit of game. These Paleoindians lived in small family bands & moved frequently, following the migration of animals & keeping a seasonal pattern of rotation from place to place. Human beings arrived in Maryland on a wave of change as a series of large-scale climatic shifts began to have a transformative effect on Maryland’s environment. A strong warming trend marked the onset of the Holocene epoch, which caused tremendous changes to the landscape, plants, & animals of the region. Holocene is a geological epoch which began approximately 10,000 years ago & continues into the present. One of the biggest changes associated with this warming trend was a period of sea level rise that continues into the present.

Throughout the Holocene, climatic conditions grew increasingly warmer & drier, causing formerly dominant animals & plants to be replaced by others who could thrive in the new landscape. The coastlines of the Chesapeake Bay & its many tributaries were particularly attractive to humans settling in Maryland. In addition to being a highly productive estuary, the Bay also provided a highway of rivers & creeks provided easy transportation routes. Archaeologists have found evidence that Native American campsites were focused along waterways. Pottery, tools, & shellfish remains from Maryland have been recovered up & down the Atlantic coast – suggesting that objects & ideas were moved around by waterborne trade.

Ten thousand years ago, if not earlier, the megafauna had become extinct, & by 9000 years ago, our modern mixed hardwood forests began to form.  The Pleistocene Megafauna, the giant land animals of the last ice age like mammoth, mastodon & giant bear which are now extinct. By about 8,000 years ago, a continuing warming trend kept glaciers melting & the resulting sea level rise flooded the continental shelf, causing the widening of the Chesapeake Bay & its tributaries. Between 6,000 & 3,000 years ago, the modern outlines of the Chesapeake shore began to take shape.

These significant changes in Maryland’s environment altered the ways in which people lived. New types of tools, & new patterns in the size & location of campsites, were developed. New means of obtaining & storing food took shape – ways which were better suited to Maryland’s evolving hardwood forest landscape. This time of cultural adjustment to a new environment is called the Archaic period.  The Archaic cultural period (7500 B.C. to 1000 B.C) is divided into the Early Archaic (7500 B.C. - 6000 B.C.), Middle Archaic (6000 B.C. – 3500 B.C.) & Late Archaic (3500 B.C. – 1000 B.C.) sub periods. Archaic peoples lived in small groups in widely-scattered encampments. Their lives were largely nomadic, with hunting & gathering filling their subsistence needs.

Archaeological evidence documents gradual changes in this way of life by the end of the Archaic period. Important shifts in the way Native people used the land & its resources define the Transitional Archaic period. The number & size of archaeological sites increases, suggesting that denser populations of people lived more intensively on the land. There is also archaeological evidence of seasonal aggregation for ceremonial purposes. At this time, people also began using new technologies, including different kinds of tools & pottery.

See:
Dent, Richard J. 1995 Chesapeake Prehistory. Old Traditions, New Directions. Plenum Press, New
York.

Grumet, Robert S. 2000 Bay, Plain, and Piedmont: A Landscape History of the Chesapeake Heartland from 1.3 Billion  Years Ago to 2000. The Chesapeake Bay Heritage  Context Project. U.S. Department of the  Interior, National Park Service, Annapolis, Maryland.

Reinhart, Theodore R. and Mary Ellen Hodges, eds.1990 Early and Middle Archaic Research in Virginia. Special Publication of the Archeological Society of Virginia.      Richmond.

Reinhart, Theodore R. and Mary Ellen Hodges, eds. 1991 Late Archaic and Early Woodland Research in Virginia. Special Publication of the Archeological  Society of     Virginia. Richmond.